"In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden journalistische Arbeitsbedingungen während der Kriege im auseinanderbrechenden Jugoslawien untersucht. Anhand von Experteninterviews mit deutschsprachigen Journalistinnen und Journalisten, die in den 1990er Jahren in den Kriegsgebieten tätig waren, wird rückblic
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kend analysiert, wie sie den vielfältigen Herausforderungen begegneten. Wie waren die Arbeitsbedingungen während der Kriege? Welche Konsequenzen wurden daraus gezogen? Inwiefern haben die dramatischen Erfahrungen die weitere Arbeit geprägt? Darüber hinaus erfolgt eine Charakterisierung und Typisierung der Berichterstattenden auf dem Balkan. Mythen und Klischees, die sich um den Beruf reihen, werden auf den Prüfstand gestellt. Im Weiteren wird der Umgang mit der Komplexität vor Ort und der journalistischen Norm der Objektivität in der Berichterstattung untersucht. Die zeitliche Distanz ermöglicht es, die einstigen Erlebnisse zu reflektieren. Um diese Einsichten zu gewinnen, wurden zehn Journalistinnen und Journalisten aus Presse und Rundfunk interviewt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The media environment in Ukraine is complex, diverse and competitive. Most of the country’s outlets are privately owned by high-profile Ukrainians who tend to use them for political influence. However, a small number of media organizations uphold high standards of professionalism and integrity an
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d are vital for shaping domestic political and social debate. These are mostly in print and online but also include some broadcasters, such as Suspilne, and international donor-funded multimedia platforms. Ukraine has a vibrant community of media experts, activists and NGOs that monitor and analyse the sector. These individuals and organizations create development initiatives, advocate reforms and, to a certain extent, perform self-regulatory functions. Platforms for discussions among media professionals are contributing to an evolving industry culture. But they face challenges including limited authority to implement changes; unsustainable funding, often reliant on international donors; and a lack of consensus on ethical and quality standards within the media community. Many outlets provide content for free and domestic audiences are accustomed to this practice. However, there are efforts in Ukraine to encourage consumers to pay for quality content. From early 2020, the biggest media organizations began restricting free access to their output. Meanwhile, smaller independent media are offering subscription and membership models to improve their economic sustainability. The COVID-19 crisis has pushed media organizations to be more proactive in creating business models that do not solely rely on advertising. Ukraine’s media landscape is threatened by the disruption of traditional information delivery methods and consumption patterns; fake news and disinformation; a changing media economy; competition from social media and tech giants; and political turbulence and hostile actors, particularly Russia. Reforms in media regulation – in addition to those in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies – could limit the influence of media owners and protect outlets from political actors determined to attack journalists or manipulate content. Furthermore, support for sustainable revenue models, technological capacity-building and better brand recognition could focus on independent outlets that lack the resources to compete with oligarch-owned media. Improved media literacy efforts are also important for creating long-term audience demand for quality content." (Summary, page 4)
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"The Serbian government prioritizes digitalization. Serbia’s digital transformation accelerated in 2017 with the government’s focus on building a digital government, or “digitalization” as defined by Serbians, and Serbia’s participation in the Digital Agenda for the Western Balkans. As one
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Serbian official described it, digitalization refers to the “fundamental changes reflected in the emergence of an efficient, economical, and transparent public administration.” Although there is no comprehensive national policy for Information and Communications Technology (ICT), Serbia’s digital agenda includes initiatives ranging from expanding connectivity to developing the ICT industry. Prime Minister Brnabic has been a champion for digitalization, and digital transformation will continue to be a key priority in the coming years. Digital connectivity infrastructure in the country is strong and growing. Fourth-generation (4G) mobile broadband covers more than 90 percent of the population. The government and top mobile network operators (MNOs) plan to deploy 5G networks in the near future. Donors such as the European Union (EU) support the expansion of fiber-optic connectivity to connect rural schools. China’s Digital Silk Road Initiative has had a substantial role in building Serbia’s digital infrastructure, ranging from Safe City infrastructure to providing cloud infrastructure and developing an artificial intelligence (AI) platform for the government. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government swiftly embraced online schooling and expanded digital government services. Fragmentation and uneven levels of buy-in across the executive branch hinders Serbian digital government efforts. Serbia’s approach to multi-stakeholder internet governance has also been uneven, with industry and civil society stakeholders lamenting a lack of public engagement. Serbian civil society is working to protect digital rights and freedoms. A growing network of organizations in Serbia and across Southeast Europe is working to protect free expression online, promote information security, and publicize digital rights violations." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"[This book] provides an overview of the key issues in global journalism today and traces how media systems have evolved over time in different world regions. Taking into account local context as well as technological change across media industries, the book offers an up-to-date, thorough overview o
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f media developments in all world regions embedded in their unique political, cultural and economic context. Covering theoretical foundations of global journalism, from the classic Four Theories of the Press to more nuanced media models, this text proposes a framework for studying world media systems. Contributed chapters cover a wide range of topics, including media freedom, global news cultures, professional ethics and responsibilities, and education of global journalists, as well as the role of technology and issues such as fake news, soft power and public diplomacy, foreign news reporting and international news flow." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing on a qualitative analysis of 7,506 tweets by state-sponsored accounts from Russia’s GRU and the Internet Research Agency (IRA), Iran, and Venezuela, this article examines the gender dimensions of foreign influence operations. By examining the political communication of feminism and women
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s rights, we find, first, that foreign state actors co-opted intersectional critiques and countermovement narratives about feminism and female empowerment to demobilize civil society activists, spread progovernment propaganda, and generate virality around divisive political topics. Second, 10 amplifier accounts—particularly from the Russian IRA and GRU—drove more than one-third of the Twitter conversations about feminism and women’s rights. Third, high-profile feminist politicians, activists, celebrities, and journalists were targeted with character attacks by the Russian GRU. These attacks happened indirectly, reinforcing a culture of hate rather than attempting to stifle or suppress the expression of rights through threats or harassment. This comparative look at the online political communication of women’s rights by foreign state actors highlights distinct blueprints for foreign influence operations while enriching the literature about the unique challenges women face online." (Abstract)
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"The study revealed the macro and micro media threats that come to light in the digital and physical media environments prior to and following elections. The media environment observed during the 2021 self-government elections was representative of the reality seen through the eyes of media workers,
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and it was revealed that, compared to previous years, the media environment has changed for the worse. The study confirmed that political polarization and public crises have a negative impact on the media environment and the safety of journalists in Georgia, while changes in the political landscape can have a positive impact on the media environment. It has also been demonstrated that the media themselves can reduce or enhance the effects of polarization.
The study confirmed that media threats in Georgia increase self-censorship and fear, reduce media credibility and weaken the viability of the media institution. The study revealed an additional effect of political polarization, a new tactic to combat critical media: “Use the media themselves against the journalists”, which leads to media polarization in itself, inciting conflict between journalists and exposing this macro-threat across the media field. In this regard, polarization in Georgia is an obstacle to solidarity. On the other hand, polarization has a so-called demonizing effect that can be manifested through the stigmatization of journalists by politicians, political labelling, and demolition of credibility, which ultimately harms the media.
The research confirmed that the ruling political force in Georgia uses all the components and mechanisms required to create and strengthen self-censorship of journalists. These mechanisms are: fear, impunity for crime, ridicule, discrediting, insecurity, dissemination of misinformation, etc. Enhancing journalists' self-censorship creates an invisible field of censorship in newsrooms when, for security reasons, the journalist is forced to avoid covering specific topics, sources, or facts. Critical questions are replaced by silence." (Conclusion, pages 51-52)
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"Following months of mass antigovernment demonstrations in Belarus, this report widens the focus beyond the protesters and takes stock of the views and preferences of Belarusian citizens at a critical moment. A new ZOiS survey conducted in December 2020 among Belarusians aged between 16 and 64 revea
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ls rare insights into the political and social mood across the country, trust in its institutions, the dynamics of the recent political mobilisation, and the domestic and foreign policy preferences of Belarusian citizens [...] The survey confirms the extent to which the protests were carried by private citizens, rather than organised civil society, trade unions, or churches, which played only peripheral roles. Social and online media dominate society’s news consumption, with over 70 per cent of respondents using these media as their main source of information. Belarusian state television, Russian media, and international media are used as well but are significantly less prominent as primary information sources. Trust in Belarus’s political institutions in general remains weak. Confidence has not eroded completely, but trust in all institutions is on balance negative, with very similar scores for the executive, the legislative, the judiciary, and the security apparatus. In absolute numbers, the opposition Coordination Council and the Orthodox Church are the most trusted institutions." (Executive summary)
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"Southeast Europe’s strong tradition of regional cooperation for media reform can be leveraged to address the renewed threats independent media face. Countries in the region have shared cultural and trade ties, common media markets, and face similar threats to a free and independent press. They al
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so benefit from numerous existing regional coalitions and networks that have worked for decades to develop shared norms and standards and promote cross-border knowledge sharing and solidarity. Southeast Europe’s regional media coalitions, organizations, and networks are a significant force for promoting media freedom, independence, and pluralism. Regional coalitions are important drivers of national reform efforts. They need to be equipped to take advantage of new windows of opportunity and tap into the power and influence of the numerous multilateral organizations that serve the region. The support of international donors and multilateral institutions is critical to advancing media reform agendas in Southeast Europe. However, more needs to be done to broaden and deepen support, and to tap into the collective capacities and assets of local media organizations and regional media coalitions." (Key findings)
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"This report provides an overview of trends and developments in information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure, access and use in the CIS region, which includes 9 Member States and is home to a population of 240 million people. The report highlights changes in ICT adoption since the l
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ast World Telecommunication Development Conference in 2017 (WTDC-17) and during the COVID-19 pandemic, tracks the evolution of regulation, and reviews progress and challenges in implementing the ITU regional initiatives for the CIS region. Its objective is to serve as a reference for the ITU membership in reviewing progress and identifying ICT development priorities in the CIS region." (Abstract)
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"This case study examines two websites and two blogging accounts which appear to be linked to News Front, a Crimean-based news organisation previously accused of being a source of pro-Kremlin disinformation and influence operations. The sites and accounts shared stories and images in many cases iden
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tical to those published by News Front without attribution. While the impact of the site’s activity is low, the case study provides a glimpse into the inner workings of the broader disinformation ecosystem, highlighting how particular pieces of content and narratives linked to pro-Kremlin influence can spread across the internet using multiple domains. More broadly, it sheds light on the long tail of state-linked online assets. The report shows how disinformation purveyors can use tactics like domain cloaking to avoid platform removals, suggesting a need for renewed thinking about effective forms of policy response for complex disinformation networks." (Publisher description)
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"As of July 2021, Telegram had 550 million active users worldwide – more than the individual user bases of Twitter, Snapchat or Discord. It is the fifth most-popular messaging app after Facebook-owned Whatsapp and Messenger, and WeChat and QQ which dominate the Chinese market [...] For this paper,
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I looked at Telegram’s policies and functionalities to help understand what made it so attractive to misinformation actors both in the Ukraine, which has a long history of Telegram engagement, and Brazil, Spain and Germany where it has had more of an impact in recent years. According to the journalists and digital researchers I interviewed about investigating misinformation and disinformation on Telegram, there are ways to address the issue, both on and off the platform: by investigating movements and their political or financial interest, by producing more responsible journalism, through clearer communication from governments, and through the continued moderation efforts on other social media platforms." (Pages 7-8)
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"Featuring contributions from a diverse range of internationally-recognized experts and practitioners, this timely volume discusses recent developments in the field in the context of related scholarship, public policy, formal and non-formal teaching and learning, and DIY and community practice. Offe
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ring a truly global perspective, the Handbook focuses on empirical work from Media and Information Literacy (MIL) practitioners from around the world. The book’s five parts explore global youth cultures and the media, trans-media learning, media literacy and scientific controversies, varying national approaches to media research, media education policies, and much more." (Publisher description)
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