"This article analyses three crowdfunded media organizations in three different countries – Krautreporter (Germany), Direkt36 (Hungary), and Colta (Russia). Using qualitative in-depth interviews, it demonstrates that journalism practices in a crowdfunded newsroom are very different from those in o
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ther media. The study concludes that direct funding from the audience is financially unstable; it affects journalists’ professional self-perception, changes their relationship with the audience and generally increases the amount of work that journalists have to do. At the same time, participants claim to be more satisfied with their work now than they ever were before." (Abstract)
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"This research project focuses on media reporting of and in crisis situations, with case studies of examples mostly from 2016. Political and social crises have been recurring in recent years, aggravated by unstable political environments, underdeveloped economies, ethno-national divisions and unreso
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lved legacies of war. They ranged from political clashes, government crises, through crisis involving citizen protests or pertaining to response to natural disasters, to refugee crises. As indicated by the national reports from five successor states of the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo and Serbia) and Albania, in the analysed cases of crises, the media largely failed to fulfil their public service role and to an extent did just the opposite, providing sensationalistic stories, favouring particular sources (mainly official ones, from one political faction or one ethno-national group), sometimes accentuating security threats and possible conflicts, or simply by failing to provide relevant information or in-depth analysis necessary for substantive understanding of related public interest issues. In this research we start from the assumption that weaknesses of the media sector manifest themselves with particular severity in crisis situations. We also recognize the pivotal role of media in what the dominant framing of the crises is, by which they can contribute to, or thwart, democratic communication. The experience of media in former Yugoslavia in the 1990 is a reminder of how devastating the consequences can be." (Pages 2-3)
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"The present study examines current legislation and court practice in Hungary regarding civil law violations of rights to reputation, privacy and likeness, with a particular focus on trends in terms of awarding non-pecuniary damages/restitution. Through an analysis of relevant legislation and a pres
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entation of cases connected with the press, it critiques the current situation in terms of limitations on freedom of expression. Personality rights in this context is a difficult area of jurisprudence, as it involves the consideration and balancing of two important values and constitutional rights: freedom of expression on the one hand and the rights to reputation, privacy and likeness on the other. This balancing act requires the interpretation of very succinctly worded legislative texts and rulings by the Constitutional Court with the help of the guidelines issued by the Supreme Court (also known as the Kúria). Another difficulty for the judiciary is the recent increase in Hungary of cases in which politicians turn to the courts to seek relief for injuries they allege to have suffered, hoping to obtain a judgment that will put an end to political and societal controversies in which they are involved." (Introduction)
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"This book traces the life of free speech in Russia from the final years of the Soviet Union to the present. It shows how long-cherished hopes for an open society in which people would speak freely and tell truth to power fared under Gorbachev’s glasnost; how free speech was a real, if fractured,
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achievement of Yeltsin’s years in power; and how easy it was for Putin to reverse these newly won freedoms, imposing a ‘patrimonial’ media that sits comfortably with old autocratic and feudal traditions. The book explores why this turn seemed so inexorable and now seems so entrenched. It examines the historical legacy, and Russia’s culturally ambivalent perception of freedom, which Dostoyevsky called that ‘terrible gift’. It evaluates the allure of western consumerism and Soviet-era illusions that stunted the initial promise of freedom and democracy. The behaviour of journalists and their apparent complicity in the distortion of their profession come under scrutiny. This ambitious study covering more than 30 years of radical change looks at responses ‘from above’ and ‘from below’, and asks whether the players truly understood what was involved in the practice of free speech." (Abstract)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, Kosovan journalists found it most important to report things as they are, to be a detached observer, to provide analysis of current affairs, and to promote tolerance and cultural diversity. The relevance of these “classic” roles was fairly undispu
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ted among the interviewed journalists as the relatively low standard deviations indicate. Likewise, there was a strong consensus among the respondents over the little importance of supporting government policy and conveying a positive image of political leadership. Still, a majority of journalists in Kosovo found it important to provide advice, orientation and direction for daily life, to educate the audience, to tell stories about the world, and to provide information people need to make political decisions. Politically more assertive roles, on the other hand, were supported by only a minority of respondents. Following traits belong to these roles: setting the political agenda, motivate people to participate in political activity, convey a positive image of political leadership, and support government policy." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"The article deals with the issue of establishing criminal liability for crimes against journalists. Areas of research on this subject are identified. The basic research and publications on issues are reviewed. The need for introducing such liability is investigated. It is indicated that several spe
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cial trains crimes against journalists were added to the Law of Ukraine "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine on Strengthening Guarantees ofJournalistic Activities" Criminal Code of Ukraine: 1) threats or violence against a journalist (art. 345-1 of the Criminal Code); 2) intentional destruction or damage to property of a journalist (art. 347-1 of the Criminal Code); 3) attempt on the life of a journalist (art. 348-1 of the Criminal Code); 4) hostage seizure of a journalist (art. 349-1 of the Criminal Code). Deficiencies are identified in the existence of separate groups of crimes - crimes against journalists due to the presence in the existing criminal law norms that punish such acts. It is also concluded that the introduction of special rules to the criminal law Ukraine should be conditional on increased (or reduced) level of social danger of the act versus offense under the general rule. It is claimed that journalists should be provided protection by the criminal law, but without creating more competition and overloading the Criminal Code of Ukraine." (Abstract)
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"The authors outline the topic of visuality in the 21st century in a trans- and interdisciplinary theoretical frame from philosophy through communication theory, rhetoric and linguistics to pedagogy. As some scholars of visual communication state, there is a significant link between the downgrading
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of visual sense making and a dominantly linguistic view of cognition. According to the concept of linguistic turn, everything has its meaning because we attribute meaning to it through language. Our entire world is set in language, and language is the model of human activities. This volume questions the approach in the imagery debate." (Back cover)
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"Internet freedom has declined for the sixth consecutive year, with more governments than ever before targeting social media and communication apps as a means of halting the rapid dissemination of information, particularly during antigovernment protests. Public-facing social media platforms like Fac
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ebook and Twitter have been subject to growing censorship for several years, but in a new trend, governments increasingly target messaging and voice communication apps such as WhatsApp and Telegram. These services are able to spread information and connect users quickly and securely, making it more difficult for authorities to control the information landscape or conduct surveillance. The increased controls show the importance of social media and online communication for advancing political freedom and social justice. It is no coincidence that the tools at the center of the current crackdown have been widely used to hold governments accountable and facilitate uncensored conversations." (Page 1)
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"This year we have evidence of the growth of distributed (offsite) news consumption, a sharpening move to mobile and we can reveal the full extent of ad-blocking worldwide. These three trends in combination are putting further severe pressure on the business models of both traditional publishers and
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new digital-born players – as well as changing the way in which news is packaged and distributed." (Overview & key findings)
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"This paper explores how Egyptian, Kenyan, Serbian and South African civil society organisations (CSOs) use communication and relationships with media to engage in democratic contestation. Individual interviews were conducted with 91 CSO members who participated in the various democratisation confli
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cts listed in MeCoDEM’s research design [...] The study found that key sources of conflict identified by the interviewees included group identity (e.g. religious and ethnic identity) and contestations around notions of citizenship. Interviewees also identified the distribution and control of power was another key source of conflict - Egyptian, Serbian and South African activists all placed significant importance on networked civil society. Thus, communications among members and with the outside world was key to redistributing power. However, Kenya’s CSOs saw their power as stemming from the ability to build healthy relationships between different groups of people, and so the primary communication activities centred on citizen education. Egyptian, Kenyan and Serbian activists viewed regular elections as a key marker of democracy, and the media was correct to focus on such issues. But South African activists suggested that the media focussed too much attention on elections, and not enough given to local participatory mechanisms of listening to citizens." (Executive summary)
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"Russian speakers in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania rank Kremlin-backed media as the least trustworthy among international, Russian Federation and domestic news sources, according to research presented by the Broadcasting Board of Governors. In addition, only those survey respondents who considered R
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ussian-backed media to be credible showed a majority support for President Vladimir Putin’s domestic and international policies. In the three Baltic nations and Moldova, consuming Russian-backed media did not correlate with support for Russia’s policies. The BBG data found that domestic media ranked first in trustworthiness in Estonia (80 percent) and Latvia (79 percent). International media took first in Lithuania (74 percent) and in Moldova there was a statistical tie between international media (45 percent), Russian-backed media (42 percent) and domestic media (42 percent)." (BBG website)
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"There were three roles the Moldovan journalists felt closer: report things as they are, be a detached observer, and provide analysis of current affairs. According to the lowest standard deviation scores, these roles were top priority for most of the journalists. On the opposite site, the respondent
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s were almost entirely detached from the role to convey a positive image of political leadership. Moreover, Moldovan journalists downgraded such roles as set the political agenda, be an adversary of the government and support government policy. On the other hand, a great majority of respondents considered public education role dominant in their work, compared with the roles linked to economic and entertainment functions of mass media. Educate the audience, promote tolerance and cultural diversity and advocate for social change far exceeded such roles as provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience or provide entertainment and relaxation." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"This book advances new understandings of how technologies have been harnessed to improve the health of populations; whether the technologies really empower those who use information by providing them with a choice of information; how they shape health policy discourses; how the health information r
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elates to traditional belief systems and local philosophies; the implications for health communicators; how certain forms of silence are produced when media articulates and problematizes only a few health issues and sidelines others; and much more." (Publisher description)
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"Der Zerfall von Staaten ist eine wesentliche Bedrohung für die Bürger der betroffenen Länder und für die internationale Sicherheit. Wenn ein Staat seine essenziellen Aufgaben nicht mehr erfüllen kann, versuchen andere Akteure diese Lücken zu schließen. Aber wie kommt es dazu, dass Nationalst
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aaten zunehmend fragil werden oder in letzter Konsequenz buchstäblich zerfallen? Kai Hirschmann zeigt die Dynamik solcher Prozesse und identifiziert zentrale Ursachen: konstruierte Staatsgebilde infolge kolonialer Grenzziehungen, schwache oder delegitimierte Institutionen sowie Eingriffe von außen. Wie die Dekonstruktion von Staaten in der Praxis verläuft, beschreibt er anhand etlicher Beispiele: etwa in den Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion, in den im Umbruch befindlichen Ländern der arabischen Welt, in ressourcenreichen aber künstlichen Staaten in Afrika, in stark von Organisierter Kriminalität geprägten Staaten in Lateinamerika sowie in Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union, die mit separatistischen Bestrebungen konfrontiert sind. Einen besonderen Fokus legt Hirschmann dabei auch auf den Zusammenhang zwischen Staatszerfall und Dschihadismus, wie er sich in Irak, Syrien, Jemen, Libyen, Nigeria und Somalia besonders eklatant zeigt. So unterschiedlich die Beispiele scheinen mögen, so sehr hilft seine präzise Analyse dabei, das Phänomen fragiler Staaten theoretisch fassbar zu machen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Considering both retrospective memories and the prospective employment of memories, Memory in a Mediated World examines troubled times that demand resolution, recovery and restoration. Its contributions provide empirically grounded analyses of how media are employed by individuals and social groups
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to connect the past, the present and the future." (Publisher description)
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