"Estonians have demonstrated a keen appetite for digital media uptake. More than three-quarters of the population accesses the internet regularly, and more than half of those are active on social networking platforms. Recent surveys suggest that nearly a quarter of internet users now connect via sma
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rtphones. As for traditional media, newspaper circulations have experienced a steady rather than dramatic decline over recent years, while television and radio audiences remain relatively stable. The press and news organizations remain in general relatively free of political influence, and although there is significant cross-media ownership and little opportunity for new entrants, digitization does not appear to have exacerbated this situation, and there remains a degree of competition and pluralism within all sectors. This report calls for the development of media policy that will incentivize television service providers to introduce the additional digital television services that were promoted during switch-over. They also call for long-term predictable funding mechanisms to ensure that public service media, Estonian Public Broadcasting (Eesti Rahvusringhääling, ERR) above all, provide quality output." (Open Society Foundations website)
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"Overall, international media assistance has been very important in shaping the current media landscape, though it has by no means been the decisive factor. The complete legal reform in the media and establishment of its main institutions has seen the continuous involvement of international actors.
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International assistance has also been crucial in introducing new principles of journalism with the change of regime, and in improving professional level of journalists. Although self-regulatory bodies have not materialized yet, the professional debate on ethics has become significant part of the profession. Media assistance efforts have been less successful in terms of supporting member-based organizations, hindered by the lack of tradition in this field. Finally, although strengthening the notions of professional journalism has been the main focus of international support, Albanian journalism has ample room for improvement." (Concluding remarks, page 54)
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"A quarter of a century after the collapse of communism in the former Eastern bloc, a wide range of scholarly projects have been undertaken to compare and theorize processes of media change in the region. One question that scholars have sought to address is: what were the factors that crucially impa
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cted how these media landscapes evolved? This essay aims to contribute to this debate by juxtaposing media change in two selected cases: the Czech Republic (as a best-case scenario in terms of convergence with the Western model) and Russia (as a scenario where convergence has been limited). Based on secondary analysis of a wide range of sources, the essay systematically exposes 11 crucial differences between the two countries and illustrates how these have impacted the processes of media change. The conclusion sets out how these findings could serve as a starting point and source of inspiration for future comparative research." (Abstract)
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"This policy brief builds upon the findings of a research report that looked specifically on the ways in which three media institutions - Independent Media Commission (IMC); Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK) and the Press Council of Kosovo (PCK) – established in the aftermath of conflict with consi
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derable foreign media assistance - have evolved. The independence and long-term sustainability of the RTK and IMC are important conditions that Kosovo government must ensure as it moves closer towards the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU. The PCK also remains an important institution for the Kosovo press affairs. As such, these institutions are a cornerstone for a sound media system in Kosovo." (Pages 5-6)
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"The present study is part of a complex research of media language to spread religious messages. It deals with the nature of the communication channel of the mass-media. It is based on the qulitative research carried out especially by means of the methods of focus groups and Delphi Techniques. Start
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ing with the key issue of the function of journalism, the study gradually investigates the attributes of the media communication channels according to their approach towards religious topics. Based on this criterion, the research divides media into two groups: secular and religious media. The study carefully investigates their internal motivation, commerciality, democratic nature and publicity, agenda setting and capacity to change people. (Abstract)
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"Religious broadcasting represents one of the basic elements of the public service broadcasting (broadcasting for the public benefit). It serves various public needs and purposes - according to the ritual model of communication it serves the intermediary function (it allows to participate in the lit
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urgy at the actual time for that part of the audience, which is unable to visit the actual place), according to the transmission model and reception model of communication in particular, it fulfils the educative function by spreading the common Christian values, creates the space for dialogue inside the Church and between the Church and the world. But above all, the main purpose of religious broadcasting is evangelization and bringing the spirit of gospel into the life of the audience. Each of these aspects of religious broadcasting has a specific audience; therefore the forms of addressing it should be different as well. At least, it requires the cooperation between the broadcaster and relevant church authorities. However, the problem lies in the fact that even in countries with a long tradition of religious broadcasting as a component of public service, the legislation does not specify the role of the broadcaster – should it provide broadcasting space only or should it actively intervene in the broadcasting? Is it allowed to do so according to the documents of the Church? Would it be possible to make the religious acts more appropriate for broadcasting by the use of elements such as a preferred style for the religious texts or special camera angles for liturgical acts in TV transmissions? There are many unanswered questions yet, and the answers to these questions can be found neither in the legislation, which the broadcaster follows, nor in religious documents." (Abstract)
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"Bearing in mind the political and economic circumstances in the early stages of development of a democratic Macedonia, international donors played an important role in providing a vibrant media landscape including legal framework and relevant institutions. Donors in Macedonia engaged in a number of
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media assistance projects producing varying results, but mostly providing short-term improvements. The reasons behind the donors’ limited success can be explained through Berkowicz’s ‘transplant effect’. In particular, the reforms in the Macedonian media sector were conducted according to the model of the liberal media system, underestimating the potential dangers of the local context. In that light, the local context of high state politicization, strong business and political parallelism and ethnic segregation were to a great extent overlooked. In addition to the lack of understanding of the local context, there was an absence of a coherent donor assistance strategy. This has contributed towards the overall limited success of the assistance efforts. With several notable exceptions, most of the media assistance in Macedonia was of short and mid-term orientation, which finally resulted in short-term results." (Conclusion)
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"In conclusion, it should be reiterated that the use of the Western liberal media models as a guiding model for the media set up in Kosovo might have been too ambitious a goal. It gave too much credit to the cultural ethos at the time, assuming it to be an environment in which a liberal media sector
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could firmly take root. Obviously, Kosovo is on a path of progress, having moved from a point where there were no institutions to the point where, however imperfect, the new institutions continue to operate. Overall, however, Kosovo media institutions, judging by their current condition, might still be years away from achieving functional independence." (Discussion of findings, page 52)
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"The mechanisms of state media funding in Serbia are used as indirect, and usually not easily visible, “soft censorship.” Soft censorship is used to promote positive coverage of - and to punish media outlets that criticize - officials or their actions. State funding of media is unregulated, unmo
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nitored, and not transparent. State funding is estimated to comprise 23 to 40 percent of the real value of Serbia’s overall advertising market. Direct state subsidies made to state-owned media that receive great amounts of state media assistance are drastically undermining free competition in Serbia’s media industry and hindering development of a free, independent, and pluralistic media." (Key findings, page 6)
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"Medienförderung für Osteuropa spielt in Deutschland seit dem Beginn der 1990er Jahre eine wichtige Rolle. Eine Vielzahl an Akteuren ist im Bereich der Aus- und Weiterbildung für osteuropäische Journalistinnen und Journalisten aktiv [...] Der Schwerpunkt der Programmbeteiligung liegt bei jungen
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Journalistinnen und Journalisten, die aus Belarus, Russland und der Ukraine kommen. Mehrheitlich finden die Veranstaltungen in Deutschland statt und werden überwiegend in deutscher Sprache durchgeführt. Die große Mehrheit der Befragten führt Evaluationen durch und bedient sich hauptsächlich der Teilnehmerbefragung im Verlauf bzw. direkt nach Beendigung der Förderprogramme. Valide Aussagen zur Medienförderung sind auf diese Weise allerdings nicht möglich. In bisherigen Untersuchungen zur Medienförderung kommen Akteure, die sich in den beschriebenen Ländern Osteuropas engagieren, nur marginal vor. Dabei gibt es eine Reihe von Fragen hinsichtlich der künftigen Konzepte von Medienförderung, die alle in der Medienförderung tätigen Akteure betreffen, unabhängig davon, ob sie sich auf ein Transformations- oder ein Entwicklungsland beziehen." (Fazit und Empfehlungen, Seite 22)
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"We will, in this paper, argue that the concept of propaganda is still relevant in the context of post-communist Hungary. More particularly, we will suggest that, in contrast to the period 1998-2010 when modern political marketing methods were applied widely, the political campaigns launched under V
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iktor Orbán’s second government (2010–present) have marked a paradigm shift in the history of political communication in Hungary, best described as the revival of old-school propaganda. First, drawing on a distinction by Gunther and Diamond between proto-hegemonic and pluralist parties in the political realm, we will attempt to establish a theoretical dichotomy between political propaganda and political marketing in the communicative domain. Then we will demonstrate – through an analysis of three campaigns launched during the past three years – that the communication of the ruling proto-hegemonic Fidesz party and its Christian Democratic coalition ally meets the criteria of classic political propaganda. Finally, we will apply neo-Durkheimian media theory to describe the selected political campaigns as communication rituals and attempt to show that political propaganda may, under specific circumstances, actively involve, engage and mobilize target audiences." (Abstract)
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"How does media contribute to peacebuilding and reconciliation in a post-conflict environment? This question will be answered in respect to the media produced by the UN and NATO mission in Kosovo (UNMIK and KFOR) from the year 1999 until 2008. The theoretical part of the text will deal with existing
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approaches to peace journalism, effective organizational communication and media effects theories. In the empirical part, the evaluation will first focus on the content of the media produced by UNMIK and KFOR in Kosovo, followed by the assessment of media production processes in both missions. Last, the dissertation will explore the impact of UNMIK's and KFOR's media within the local Kosovar population." (Back cover)
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"This article investigates the operation of the contested reply and correction provisions of the 2008 Slovak Press Act and their influence on journalism. I argue that apart from the ‘law-on-the-books’, we need to examine the interactions between the media, policymakers and judges in order to exp
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lain how law shapes journalism in the public spheres of Central and Eastern European democracies. Such interactions are based on the interests and experiences of the actors and conditioned by their particular historical, structural, cultural and international contexts. Our analysis thus needs to take them all into account when assessing the role of legislation." (Abstract)
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"State capture is slowly but surely enveloping Hungarian media, principally through the “soft censorship” of financial incentives and influence that affect media otlets’ editorial content and economic viability. Allocation of state advertising spending is opaque and unfair; it is based on the
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political leanings of particular media outlets, and this distorts market competition significantly. Biased advertising spending influences editorial policies in an indirect way, creating a newsroom atmosphere in which editors accept and journalists practice self-censorship. Market competition among media agencies is clearly distorted by the biased award of state contracts. Legal regulations and financial practices of Hungary’s current public-media financing permit improper state influence over public media and fail to comply with European Commission requirements regarding state support for public-service media." (Key findings, page 6)
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