"The report documents the threats to civil society in the digital age by examining the legislative and regulatory framework in four countries in Africa: Egypt, Sierra Leone, Uganda and Zambia. These countries were selected from the four main geographic regions of Africa, in order to provide a sense
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of the state of civic engagement in the digital age across the continent. The case studies are clearly not representative of what is happening on the continent, but are illustrative of some prominent trends. The recommendations emanating from the research call for the states to revise and repeal identified restrictive laws and align them with international standards. Civil society organisations and human rights activists are also encouraged to enhance their individual and organizational digital knowledge and expertise to more robust counter disruptive state measures. This expertise should be enhanced through a human rights lens and should extend to other stakeholders including judicial officers, legislators, law enforcement and the general public through sustained multi-stakeholder engagement." (Executive summary, pages 7-8)
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"This book brings together fresh evidence and new theoretical frameworks in a unique analysis of the increasing role of social media in political campaigns and electoral processes across Africa. Supported by contemporary and historical cases studies, it engages with the main drives behind the variou
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s appropriations of social media for election campaigns, organization, and voter mobilization. Contributors in this volume delve into changing and complex aspects of social media, offering an appraisal of theoretical perspectives and examining fascinating case studies which social media use is redefining elections across Africa. Contributions show that new media ecologies are resulting in new policy regimes, user behaviors, and communication models that have implications for electoral processes. The book also provides preliminary analysis of emerging forms of algorithm-driven campaigns, fake news, information distortions and other methods that undermine electoral democracy in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"In Uganda, local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) such as Human Rights Network for Journalists-Uganda and Uganda Media Women’s Association have become instrumental in the fight for media freedom and combating impunity for crimes committed against journalists. Despite this effort, little rese
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arch has been dedicated to the contribution of such organizations in promoting safety and reducing incidents of self-censorship among journalists. This study examines the role of NGOs in reducing journalistic self-censorship and promoting safety of journalists. The discussion in this chapter is based on qualitative interviews with four members of two NGOs working in the area of media freedom and ten purposively selected journalists who have previously been defended or protected by NGOs that promote media freedom. Findings of this research show that NGOs play key roles in educating journalists on their right to seek and publish information and fight impunity by prosecuting perpetrators of crimes against journalists. The NGOs also offer free legal services to journalists who are detained for crimes related to their work. This support has minimized the practice of self-censorship and built resilience among journalists to continue with their work." (Abstract)
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"Safety of female journalists in and beyond the newsroom continues to stimulate debate on how risky environments can trigger self-censorship among journalists, yet few studies have investigated women journalists’ experience of risk in specific work contexts. This chapter examines the perception of
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risk among female journalists who cover political demonstrations, and how they negotiate such risks. Anchored in theories of media and gender, self-censorship and resilience, the chapter dwells on political demonstrations that have become pervasive in the more than 30-year rule of Uganda’s current president. Data were collected through focus group discussions with female reporters and structured in-depth interviews with newsroom managers. Findings indicate that covering political demonstrations is perceived as risky for female journalists, who are also increasingly aware of their vulnerability. This perceived vulnerability produces a deterrent effect on women’s enthusiasm to cover riots. Nonetheless, women rely on techniques that spur collective resilience, which in turn helps to avert self-censorship. Although focusing on political demonstrations, the instantiated perceptions would likely resonate with other situations in which female journalists work. Thus, applying a gender lens to future self-censorship and resilience studies may open new frontiers of understanding, especially of what gender-specific self-censorship and resilience practices thrive in different contexts." (Abstract)
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"This chapter’s point of departure lies in its focus on how journalists and media organizations navigate through unsafe environments and avoid self-censorship. The study specifically explores the connection between safety and self-censorship and journalist’s deployment of social media in the Uga
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ndan context. Through interviews and focus group discussions, the study shows that journalists and media organizations (sometimes) use social media to avoid covering unsafe news scenes and to bypass suppression intended to drive them into self-censorship. Journalists and media organizations are able to overcome state-instigated censorship by using platforms such as Facebook and Twitter to obtain journalistic material, which may not be accessible through conventional means. Using the case of the Ugandan government closure of Daily Monitor newspaper in 2013, the chapter shows that the media organization heavily relied on social media to remain in operation during the period when it was under siege. The chapter concludes that employing social media in journalism practice is one of the mechanisms used by journalists and media organizations to surmount safety problems and repression. The author acknowledges the safety problems arising from digital tools and platforms but argues that exploiting the advantages they present, such as being alternative avenues for newsgathering, reporting and dissemination, contributes profoundly to the survival of independent journalism in non-democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"The media play an essential role of informing and mobilising voters as well as facilitating a two-way communication process between citizens and those vying for electoral offices during elections. This allows citizens to get information on various issues from the contenders, which largely informs t
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heir electoral decisions. In most less democratic societies however, this media function is increasingly becoming difficult to fulfil due to challenges journalists encounter during electoral processes. Using Uganda’s last general elections in 2016 as a case study, this article discusses the safety of journalists during elections basing on findings from a bigger study on the media coverage of the 2016 elections, supplemented by in-depth interviews with 10 journalists who covered the elections. In addition, the analysis makes reference to the 2016 Uganda Press Freedom Index. Findings of this research show that journalists face more safety and security risks during elections particularly perpetuated by state security agencies. Compared to previous elections, the 2016 elections also recorded the highest number of victims who were female journalists. This article highlights key challenges journalists face during elections, which include: state harassment and intimidation, arrest of those considered critical to the state, and denial of access to important information. Due to concerns of their own safety, journalists have responded to the insecure work environment by engaging in self-censorship, thereby giving biased or limited information to the public. The article identifies gaps that media development agencies can help to close if the media are to play their rightful role in a democratic society, especially during the electoral process." (Abstract)
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"Radio stations across Africa are facing unprecedented threats to their sustainability due to weak media markets, limited advertising revenue and intense competition. A more pragmatic understanding of viability and more flexible donor strategies can help these outlets stay on air and maintain their
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independence. Station managers must continually balance editorial independence, financial sustainability, and their mission to serve the public. Addressing these three challenges is not always compatible, and trade-offs are often inevitable. Successful stations are able to harness viable funding modalities without selling out and capitalize on management and operations techniques to expand reach without compromising quality content. Marginal improvements in the flexibility of media donors and the media assistance community can foster greater viability and independence for small outlets in challenging context." (Key findings)
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"This chapter contributes to journalism research from the Uganda's context by investigating the types and sources of threats to journalists' safety and media freedom in the country. The authors achieve this by examining relevant documents on the state of journalism in Uganda and interviewing journal
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ists. There are two overarching questions that this chapter is concerned with, which are What are the types of threats to journalists' safety and media freedom? and What are the sources of threats to journalists' safety and media freedom in Uganda? The investigation is grounded in theory about journalists' safety and media freedom. The data were collected through document analysis and interviewing of a purposively selected of sample of journalists in Kampala. The data was collected between April and May 2019 in Kampala, Uganda's capital. The findings show rampant violations against journalists and the media. The violations include physical assault, intimidation, arrests in addition to destruction of journalists' property such as cameras. These are perpetuated by security agencies." (Abstract)
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"This publication is the outcome of the “East Africa Regional Peace Journalism Training Workshop” for journalists covering conflict and peacebuilding in East Africa. Organized by Rongo University’s Center for Media, Democracy, Peace, and Security (CMDPS) in partnership with the African Peacebu
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ilding Network (APN) of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC), the two-day event brought together journalists from five East African countries—Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda—to develop their capacity for reporting on conflict-related issues in an objective manner based on the tenets of the theory and practice of peace journalism." (Introduction)
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"Radio Pacis went on the air in October 2004 and quickly became the most popular radio station in the [Arua] region, in part because the station broadcasts on three frequencies in all six local languages: Acholi, Alur, Madi, Kakwa, Lögbara and English. In turn, Radio Pacis has crossed more than jus
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t national and linguistic borders; the station’s highest listening percentage is in the overwhelmingly Muslim area of Yumbe. Ms. Meyer [the administrator of Radio Pacis] posits that this success across many demographics is because local people of all religious stripes appreciate the station’s commitment to “accuracy, truth, and balance” in a media landscape dominated by propaganda, bribery and superficiality. In addition, Ms. Meyer and Father Pasolini refused early pressure to hire only Catholics; Protestants and Muslims serve in prominent management positions at the station. For Father Pasolini, this inter-religious workforce reflects West Nilers’ general inter-religious harmony. “We live together! We plan together! We stay together! This is the real Uganda!” he says."
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"The main aim of the present study is to assess the status quo and the influencing factors of media viability in developing countries and economies in transition. Accordingly, three general research questions have been formulated: 1. Which factors determine the viability of alternative online news m
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edia organizations in developing countries and economies in transition? 2. What are the transnational similarities and differences for media viability of alternative news media organizations? 3. How are financial sustainability, editorial independence, and journalistic quality interrelated in the context of media viability of alternative online news media organizations?" (Page 21)
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"In July 2018, the government of Uganda implemented a tax on individual users of social media platforms. In the first three months following the introduction of the tax in the country, internet penetration dropped from 47 percent to 35 percent. Given that a significant amount of news circulation now
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happens via social media and messaging apps, how might this new tax impact the news media ecosystem? The negative effects on news media are less direct and arguably more pernicious than might be expected. Journalists noted a significant decline in the level of engagement with readers and sources via social media platforms. Traffic to new sites has been only minimally impacted, indicating that sites were not reliant on social media to begin with and/or that many individuals have turned to VPNs to avoid the tax." (Key findings)
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"The Handbook showcases IAWRT members’ experiences and best practices for working towards advancing gender equality in and on the media in Kenya, South Africa, Tanzania, India and Uganda." (Publisher description)
"Of all 10 African countries surveyed, only in South Africa is more than half the population online. The Internet penetration rate in Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Nigeria and Senegal is above the 20% threshold – but even this requires further investigation in a developing country context, where the unaf
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fordability of data means that usage is generally very low and most people are using services passively, not in the high-speed, always-on environment where studies of causality in relation to penetration and economic growth have been done. In some countries, the low Internet uptake is a result of no coverage – there is insufficient broadband extension beyond the major urban centres in the case of Mozambique, Nigeria and Uganda. Yet even in countries where there is extensive coverage, such as in Lesotho, Rwanda and South Africa, the cost of devices is a major barrier to uptake. Such demand-side constraints relate not only to affordability of devices and services, but also to classical issues of human development. In several countries, including Nigeria and Tanzania, the lack of awareness or skills on how to use the Internet accounts for the large numbers of people who remain offline." (Executive summary)
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"It is evident that Uganda will need to do some things differently to ensure improved outcomes. Addressing inconsistencies in policy that affect the sector is critical. Each policy that impacts the sector, regardless of the Ministry that develops it, should be evaluated before implementation within
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the overall context of the Digital Uganda Vision so that adverse effects can be mitigated. Supply-side interventions on their own are insufficient. Demand stimulation is essential to driving Internet uptake. Affordability of devices is the primary challenge for policymakers, with even relatively low-cost devices being beyond the financial means of large numbers of citizens. Further, the price of data, even though relatively low, is simply beyond the means of many people for meaningful use. Shifting people from passive consumption of services to productive use represents a far greater challenge, however. This requires not only improving digital literacy in order to bring people online, but developing wider skillsets for the production of local content to stimulate demand, improving entrepreneurial application to create jobs and increasing the consumptive capacity of the economy more broadly to drive growth." (Key recommendations, page vi)
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"We started by performing fieldwork in five countries, covering the four main SSA regions: the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Ghana, Malawi, Tanzania and Uganda. We then conducted 116 interviews across 78 organizations, covering the overall ecosystem: mobile network operators (MNOs), aggreg
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ators, donors, multilateral organizations and nongovernmental organization (NGOs). The following are key findings by mobile channel: SMS volumes are driven by a few players, mostly multilateral agencies; Voice/IVR allows for rich interactions, but impact needs to be documented further. USSD usage by aid and development players appears limited despite promise; Interest in mobile money is high among both supply and demand players; Mobile internet adoption is still limited in potential. In each of the five countries, the 2018 market value of all mobile channels generated by NGOs and multilateral organizations was estimated at between $500,000 and $1 million. Using data from these five countries to extrapolate to all 48 countries in SSA, the total 2018 market is estimated at $15.7 million, with mobile money standing out as the largest channel. This aggregate number for the sector appears low compared to the overall size of the telecommunications market. Market appeal is further reduced by the fact that the mobile sector already perceives the aid and development sector as being difficult to work with, due to uncertainty of demand, long procurement processes and other factors. While price has been cited as a reason for this low aggregate number, the fieldwork suggests that it is driven more by the lack of awareness of many implementing partners, particularly at the country level. These challenges to scale are consistent with qualitative findings obtained from DIAL’s Ecosystem Baseline study in 2018. That said, the market appears bound to grow due to strong underlying trends. Our model predicts three scenarios that show a 2022 market value of between $31.6 million and $61.6 million." (Executive summary, page 4)
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