"Éste artículo tiene como objetivo analizar cómo ha sido el proceso de integración fronteriza que tiene Colombia con sus vecinos amazónicos, Brasil y Perú, alrededor del territorio de la Triple Frontera compartida por los tres países. Por medio de revisión bibliográfica, una visita de campo
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y el análisis de datos e información, se muestra como de la disputa territorial y el miedo al vecino hasta finales del siglo XX, se pasa a un proceso de integración fronteriza que se sustenta en la realidad compartida en la Triple Frontera y en factores de integración como la existencia de una historia común, recursos compartidos y las fuertes dinámicas de interacción entre las poblaciones de la región fronteriza. Se concluye que para entender las realidades y problemáticas de la región fronteriza se hace necesario tomar en consideración como actores a Brasil y Perú y a sus poblaciones y que con esos países Colombia ha propiciado procesos de cooperación e integración fronteriza, que se hacen cada vez más pertinentes." (Resumen)
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"The use of smartphones and tablets has jumped significantly in the past year, with fewer people using their computers for news. More than a third of online news users across all countries (39%) use two or more digital devices each week for news and a fifth (20%) now say their mobile phone is their
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primary access point. The number of people paying for digital news has remained stable over the past 12 months, although we have seen a significant switch to more valuable ongoing digital subscription in most countries. Our new (and unique) social media index for news shows Facebook is by far the most important network for news everywhere. Although Twitter is widely used in the US, Spain, and the UK, it is far less influential in many other European countries. Google+ is emerging as increasingly important for news, along with messaging application WhatsApp. European respondents remain strongly committed to news that tries to be neutral (or impartial) but Americans are more interested in hearing from brands and reporters that are open about their own views and biases." (Key findings, page 8)
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"La cultura es la riqueza de los pueblos que defienden su identidad y que tratan de reinventarse en un mundoglobalizado, multicultural y diverso. Es imprescindible, pues, impulsar la reflexión sobre el papel de la cultura en su desarrollo. Esta segunda edición del estudios "Cultura y desarrollo ec
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onómico en Iberoamérica" aborda el efecto de la cultura en el desarrollo económico de nuestros paíse, y llega a una conclusión impactante: los aportes de la cultura al desarrollo económico de los países son muy superiores a los presupuestos que los mismos países beneficiados invierten en el desarrollo de la cultura. Finalmente, el estudio pon en relieve que aún falta mucho camino por recorrer para que todos los países lleguen a destinar al menos el 1% de su presupuesto a la inversión cultural, tal como se aprobó en la Conferencia de Ministros de Cultura celebrada en Chile, en Julio de 2007." (Tapa posterior)
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"Nas próximas páginas queremos dar uma olhada ampla sobre a prática e os desafios da radiodifusão comunitária no Brasil e em outros países. Convidamos uma turma diversa de 11 autoras e autores, entre elas e eles jornalistas, radialistas, acadêmicos e advogadas. As suas abordagens são origina
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is, convidam-nos para conhecer a radiodifusão comunitária de perto de um ângulo tanto crítico como solidário. São expostos nos textos como organizações internacionais e nacionais influenciam sobre o acesso e o uso do espectro eletromagnético, nos contam dos problemas cotidianos das emissoras independentes no Brasil, México e nos Estados Unidos para conseguir uma outorga. E perguntam por que as rádios comunitárias reproduzem a falta de interesse no esporte feminino, não conseguem romper por completo com tendências homofóbicas da imprensa e não defendem com maior vigor o acesso de migrantes aos ondas eletromagnéticos." (Página 4)
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"Media Systems and Communication Policies in Latin America proposes, tests and analyses the liberal captured model. It explores to what extent to which globalisation, marketization, commercialism, regional bodies and the nation State redefine the media's role in Latin American societies." (Publisher
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description)
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"In Brazil, India and Kenya, a wide range of factors currently inhibit media from playing their full role in promoting awareness of child rights and in helping children realise their rights, says this report. Crucial issues identified in all three countries include lack of media coverage, inadequate
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professionalism among journalists, absence of children's voices in the public debate, and scarce coperation among the media and child rights advocates. For each country, a detailed chapter provides insights into the national media landscape, the child rights reporting practice (based on a content analysis), the "media perspective" (based on focus groups and interviews with media professionals), and the "civil society perspective" (based on focus groups and individual interviews). The report recommends creating more youth journalists by training young people to produce radio programmes; establishing incentives for journalists to specialise in child rights; improving networking among civil society organisations and media, and establishing and monitoring guidelines for reporting on child rights." (CAMECO Update 1-2015)
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"Campaigns and movements targeting corruption often face decentralized targets rather than an identifiable dictator or external government, and can be found both in undemocratic and democratic systems. Graft and abuse are manifested in a systemic manner rather than a hodgepodge collection of illicit
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transactions. Consequently, this research brings to light new applications of civil resistance beyond the more commonly known cases against occupations, such as the Indian independence movement, and authoritarian regimes from Chile to Poland. It also expands our understanding about the dynamics of how people collectively wield nonviolent power for the common good. The focus of this research is on citizen agency: what civic actors and regular people—organized together and exerting their collective power—are doing to curb corruption as they define and experience it. Hence, the analytical framework is based on the skills, strategies, objectives, and demands of such initiatives, rather than on the phenomenon of corruption itself, which has been judiciously studied for more than two decades by scholars and practitioners from the anticorruption and development realms. I selected cases that met the following criteria: they were “popular” initiatives. They were civilian-based, involved grassroots participation, and were led and implemented by individuals from the civic realm, rather than governments or external actors, such as donors, development institutions, and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs); they were nonviolent. They did not threaten or use violence to further their aims; they involved some degree of organization and planning, which varied depending on the scope—objectives, geographical range, duration—of the civic initiative; multiple nonviolent actions were employed (thus, instances of one-off demonstrations or spontaneous protests were not considered); objectives and demands were articulated; the civic initiative was sustained over a period of time." (Introduction, pages 2-3)
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"This is the first collection to de-Westernize the scholarship on women, politics and media by: 1) highlighting the latest research on countries and regions that have not been ‘the usual suspects’; 2) featuring a diverse group of scholars, many of non-Western origin; 3) giving voice through pers
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onal interviews to politically active women, thus providing the reader with a rare insight into women's agency in the political structures of emerging democracies. Each chapter examines the complex women, politics and media dynamic in a particular nation-state, taking into consideration the specific political, historic and social context. With 23 case studies and interviews from Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, Central and Eastern Europe, Asia, Russia and the former Soviet republics, this volume will be of interest to students, media scholars and policy makers from developed and emerging democracies." (Publisher description)
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"Der Autor porträtiert 23 Länder aus sechs Weltregionen. Anschließend bildet er mittels des pragmatischen Differenz-Ansatzes sechs Modelle heraus: Das liberale Modell, das Public-Service-Modell, das Klientel-Modell, das Schock-Modell, das Patrioten-Modell und das Kommando-Modell. Dabei zeigt sich
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: In Ländern wie China, Syrien, dem Iran oder auch Weißrussland fungieren die Medien als Lautsprecher der Herrschenden. In den USA, Brasilien oder auch Deutschland und Frankreich sind sie eher Widersprecher. Doch auch dazwischen gibt es ein breites Feld von Ländern wie Russland, Libanon oder Italien, in denen eine Ambivalenz zwischen Lautsprechern und Widersprechern besteht, deren Kräfteverhältnis sich immer wieder verschieben kann." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The structure of this Yearbook is divided in three parts. The first part is an introduction chapter that makes a comparative synthesis of fiction in Obitel countries. This comparison is made from a quantitative and qualitative perspective that allows us to observe fiction development in each countr
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y, pointing out its main products as well as the topic of the year: transmedia production strategies in television fiction. The second part includes 12 chapters (one for each country) with an internal structure in which sections of the Yearbook are usually constant, although some are more specific than others." (Pages 19-20)
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"John Sinclair and Joseph D. Straubhaar provide a comprehensive account of television production, distribution and reception in Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking Latin American countries, showing how Mexican and Brazilian programmes have dominated in the region, and placing regional output in the con
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text of the global television industry." (Publisher description)
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"This report examines all of the shortcomings of this South American giant’s media landscape. It is based on fact-finding visits to Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Brasilia in November 2012. The media topography of the country that is hosting the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympics has barely changed
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in the three decades since the end of the 1964-85 military dictatorship. As well as the ten or so major companies that dominate the national media and are mainly based in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil has many regional media that are weakened by their subordination to the centres of power in the country’s individual states. The editorial independence of both print and broadcast media is above all undermined by their heavy financial reliance on advertising by state governments and agencies." (Publisher description)
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"This book provides an in-depth comparative analysis of inequality and the stratification of the digital sphere. Grounded in classical sociological theories of inequality, as well as empirical evidence, this book defines “the digital divide” as the unequal access and utility of internet communic
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ations technologies and explores how it has the potential to replicate existing social inequalities, as well as create new forms of stratification. The Digital Divide examines how various demographic and socio-economic factors including income, education, age and gender, as well as infrastructure, products and services affect how the internet is used and accessed. Comprised of six parts, the first section examines theories of the digital divide, and then looks in turn at: highly developed nations and regions (including the USA, the EU and Japan); emerging large powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China); Eastern European countries (Estonia, Romania, Serbia); Arab and Middle Eastern nations (Egypt, Iran, Israel); under-studied areas (East and Central Asia, Latin America, and sub-Saharan Africa)." (Publisher description)
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"Brasilien hat mehr als einen Berlusconi: Zehn Familien kontrollieren die Medienlandschaft. Politische und wirtschaftliche Interessen sind eng miteinander verzahnt. Alle Versuche, das zu ändern, sind bislang gescheitert." (Einleitung)