"Within [the radio debate programme) Patara, there was no explicit intention to reach a final conclusion on any given issue. The overall aim of the Ndeke Luka’s debate was to display arguments from different angles about certain specific matters without necessarily having to reach unanimous agreem
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ent among the participants. Clashing and diverging views of how peace should be built and reached were portrayed. It is significant that a radio station dedicated a weekly programme to gathering opposing viewpoints and bringing together actors who had been excluded from the formal, official peace talks in Khartoum. Despite being unofficial, this forum provided by Ndeke Luka drew its strength from being an accessible, “open door” arena. [...] Within the precepts of the editorial line of radio Guira, journalists made no specific allusion to any armed group or armed leader, unless they were engaged in a UN or governmental effort to disarm. This could imply a “safety” measure to avoid any political attrition between the UN and the government. Considering that the UN mission is allowed to be in the country because the hosting government accepts its presence, and that the UN mandate aims at supporting the building of state institutions, it is not surprising that the need to partner with official authorities in all dimensions was present in Le Debat. The challenge for a radio broadcast from a UN media was not to use a bellicose rhetoric. On a final note, distinct perspectives of the processes of “peacebuildings,” in plural, were conveyed by these two radio stations. The term in its plural form is hereby endorsed in order to acknowledge that different perspectives of peacebuilding can and should coexist in the public arena. These multiple understandings sometimes complemented one another and sometimes clashed. It is, in fact, necessary and crucial that numerous views of “peacebuildings” publicly circulate as a way of engaging citizens and communities to collectively discuss the transformation of their realities." (Concluding remarks, pages 14-15)
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"How are narratives around peace and conflict constructed in radio? This paper offers a detailed discussion of a framework of analysis of media narratives. It examines how perceptions of peacebuilding are constructed and aired in radiophonic debates. It deals with methodological questions and carrie
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s out an interpretative analysis of narratives in ‘media talk’, here defined as a broadcast output in the form of ‘talking’. The narrative analysis is composed of four dimensions: thematic, structural, actor and agency levels. What started as an effort to study a political debate in the Central African Republic from a radio station named Ndeke Luka, evolved into an in-depth reflection of how competing, clashing and counter peacebuilding narratives can take form. One particular transcript of a radio programme is hereby used to exemplify and illustrate how this analytical framework is operationalised. It is not intended, though, to offer any generalisation claim as this study is a work in progress. While interrogating the ways peacebuilding narratives in ‘media talk’ can be detected, this paper goes beyond the sharing of a particular case. This model makes it possible to apprehend the nuances of ‘media talk’ as a contesting and disputing space for diverse narratives. As a point of departure, it claims that the ideas of peacebuildings (in plural) relate to experiential practices. Research in ‘media talk’ constitutes a relevant arena for mapping emerging narratives of conflict and peace." (Abstract)
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"Thanks to an inclusive and context-sensitive selection process of youth journalists and relevant and participatory capacity-building sessions, the project successfully empowered hard to reach youth by providing them with a range of transferable skills that they have been able to use both within and
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beyond the project. The young journalists were able to produce quality radio programming which was very positively received by the communities, as 90 percent of surveyed community members found that the radio programs produced by the young journalists as part of the project bring an added value on critical social and political issues. This is a significant improvement from the baseline (35,7 percent in South Sudan, 16,7 percent in CAR and 76,2 percent in Mali), thus indicating the program’s success in changing perceptions regarding the value of youth’s perspectives. Nonetheless, both the audience and project staff identified avenues for improving the reach of the radio programs, including exploring other media, and increasing communication around the program and broadcast times. Beyond enabling youth journalists to produce high-quality radio programs, the project also benefits them by fostering motivation, entrepreneurialism, agency and success as the evaluation found evidence of youth journalists creating their own initiatives, and acting as mediators in conflicts between friends or in their family. In addition, amongst youth from the community who participated in project activities, the project led to increased awareness of their role and capacities as change agents." (Key findings, page 6)
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"Elisabeth Blanche Olofio’s reporting exposed local corruption and human rights abuses in the Central African Republic, providing her community with crucial information on the ongoing rebel advance at the time. On 5 January 2013, she was severely beaten, tortured and raped by Séléka rebels in he
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r hometown of Bambari in connection to her reporting. She suffered from sustained psychological and physical trauma and succumbed to her injuries in June 2014. Elisabeth was 34 years old. Our new investigation into the attack on Elisabeth Blanche Olofio reveals the vulnerability of local journalists reporting in conflict zones to becoming targets of brutal and sometimes even lethal violence, whereas attacks against them are rarely investigated, let alone lead to justice being served." (Abstract)
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"When conflicts emerge the media often become, intended or not, a key actor. It is through media that every party within a conflict attempts to convey its own narrative, contributing to a complex reality that affects journalists’ work in many different ways. This article aims to reflect on Bläsi
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s (2004) factors of influence on conflict coverage in the context of media development in Burkina Faso and the Central African Republic. Developed from a western standpoint on war reporters covering foreign conflicts, we propose to adapt this model to ‘local’ contexts in order to provide a more holistic analysis of journalism in conflict settings, but also to propose entry points for constructive coordination among multiple media development actors. In this article, we discuss the audience dimension, the pressure put through lobbies, the journalists’ personal features, the situation on-site, structural factors referring to the broader media and information system, and the political climate. We strive to offer a critique so as to adapt to the relevance of ‘local’ journalists living and reporting in conflict-affected areas, in which media development assistance often takes place, in opposition to international foreign correspondents that are deployed to cover far-away violent conflicts." (Abstract)
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"It aims at providing a holistic view of digital transformation in the agriculture sector of 47 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The region’s digital agriculture landscape is assessed through six key themes, namely: infrastructure, digital penetration, policy and regulation, business environment,
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human capital and agro-innovation. Beyond the analysis of the region against the six focal themes, the report presents both the status-quo and challenges faced by countries in their digital transformation journeys, which can assist policymakers to identify possible areas of intervention to drive the process of agricultural digitalization in the region. It highlights the need to strengthen digital infrastructure for universal connectivity, to connect the unconnected in sub-Saharan Africa and to support the integration of digital technologies to advance digital agricultural transformation." (Foreword)
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"Since 2014, PeaceTech Lab has undertaken research and worked with local partners in 13 countries to understand the dynamics of hate speech and the connection between the proliferation of hateful narratives online and violent events offline. This research and the resulting lexicons seek to identify
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and contextualize the particular type of language that is likely to cause violence by exacerbating ongoing tensions and deepening ongoing crises within communities in conflict. Rather than assessing the general existence or prevalence of hate speech, each lexicon instead examines the most prevalent inflammatory terms, their origins and context, and their use in a particular country context. To successfully monitor and counter hateful speech in its degrees of severity, we must first identify the vocabulary most commonly used and the social and political context that makes these terms offensive, inflammatory, or potentially dangerous [...] As illustrated throughout this document, hate speech is both a symptom and cause of these divisions. In the context of CAR’s current reality of insecurity and conflict, inflammatory speech is used as a tool to achieve political and material ends. This ultimately results in the deepening of divisions between religious and ethnic communities, furthering of polarizing opinions, dehumanization of targeted groups, exacerbation of feelings of frustration and grievance, and lowering of the threshold to acts of violence." (Introduction)
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"The analysis is based on online media coverage in five languages throughout the year. CARE sees a concerning trend of crises being neglected year after year. Six out of the ten crises are located on the African continent. The Central African Republic has appeared in the ranking for five consecutive
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years. Both Madagascar and Burundi – the latter this year’s number 1 with the least media coverage – have made CARE’s list four times so far. This lack of attention adds to burdens such as the severe effects of COVID-19 restrictions and the growing impact of climate change in these countries." (https://reliefweb.int)
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"This paper asks: How do fact-checkers combat/halt Covid-19 myths and misconceptions in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Central African Republic? How do they engage in social media networks toward sense-giving and sharing corrective information? It discusses two cases of online media projec
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ts, ‘Congo Check’ and ‘Talato’, led by independent journalists that combine fact-checking skills when communicating the pandemic and attempt to engage civil society to better consume information. The data collection comprises of interviews with the journalists, as well as the Twitter handling of these projects. This study sheds light to how independent voluntary initiatives can foster the correction of Covid-19 myths and misconceptions in their localities." (Abstract)
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"For the first time, a complete mapping of the film and audiovisual industry in 54 States of the African continent is available, including quantitative and qualitative data and an analysis of their strengths and weaknesses at the continental and regional levels. The report proposes strategic recomme
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ndations for the development of the film and audiovisual sectors in Africa and invites policymakers, professional organizations, firms, filmmakers and artists to implement them in a concerted manner. The film and audiovisual industry in Africa has the potential to create over 20 million jobs and generate US$20 billion in revenues per year." (Short summary, page 2)
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"After a recent contested election, the Central African Republic finds itself in a precarious situation. Violence around the election combined with the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19 and destructive flooding have caused the humanitarian emergency to reach its worst state in five years. Meanwhile
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, the CAR government has been accused of engaging in Russian-backed disinformation campaigns targeting domestic civil society, French diplomats and the United Nations peacekeeping mission (MINUSCA), threatening key relationships. Even as the long-simmering issue of hate speech continues to draw fault lines through the country, efforts to combat these campaigns have focused primarily on challenging fake news rather than addressing the underlying fear and prejudice that spoilers use to stoke conflict." (Introduction)
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"Depuis 2014, PeaceTech Lab a entrepris des recherches et travaillé avec des partenaires locaux dans 13 pays pour comprendre la dynamique des discours de haine et le lien entre la prolifération des récits haineux en ligne et les événements violents hors ligne. Cette recherche et les lexiques qu
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i en résultent cherchent à identifier et à contextualiser le type particulier de langage susceptible de provoquer la violence en exacerbant les tensions existantes et en approfondissant les crises en cours au sein des communautés en conflit. Plutôt que d’évaluer l’existence ou la prévalence générale des discours de haine, chaque lexique examine plutôt les termes provocateurs les plus répandus, leurs origines et leur contexte, ainsi que leur utilisation dans le contexte d’un pays particulier. Pour réussir à surveiller et à contrer les discours haineux dans leurs degrés de gravité, nous devons d’abord identifier le vocabulaire le plus couramment utilisé et le contexte social et politique qui rend ces termes offensants, provocateurs ou potentiellement dangereux [...] Comme illustré tout au long de ce document, les discours de haine sont à la fois un symptôme et une cause de ces divisions. Dans le contexte de la réalité actuelle d’insécurité et de conflit en RCA, les discours incendiaires sont utilisés comme un outil pour atteindre des objectifs politiques et matériels. Cela a pour conséquence d’approfondir les divisions entre les communautés religieuses et ethniques, de polariser davantage les opinions et de déshumaniser les groupes ciblés, d’exacerber les sentiments de frustration et de grief et d’abaisser le seuil des actes de violence." (Introduction)
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"Das Werk bietet, nach Ländern bzw. Regionen aufgeschlüsselt, einen kompakten und aktuellen Überblick über geschichtliche Herkunft, weitere Entwicklungen und aktuelle Herausforderungen der afrikanischen Kirche aus katholischer Sicht. Dabei liegt ein Akzent auf den Beziehungen der Ortskirche zu a
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nderen Konfessionen und Religionen. Experten aus den jeweiligen Ländern bzw. Kenner der jeweiligen Situation vor Ort ermöglichen einen raschen und gründlichen Zugang zu den Besonderheiten der Kirchen und ihrer jeweiligen Rolle in den afrikanischen Gesellschaften heute. Dabei werden die Komplexität und die Vielfalt der verschiedenen Situationen innerhalb Afrikas deutlich." (Klappentext)
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"Cette évaluation de l’écosystème de l’information vise à établir une compréhension des dynamiques de l’information dans le contexte des populations déplacées dans plusieurs localités du pays : Bangui, Paoua, Bozoum, Berberati, Sibut, Bambari, Ndélé, Kaga-Bandoro et Rafaï. Cette re
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cherche est basée sur des entretiens approfondis et des discussions de groupe focus avec des membres de la communauté des populations déplacées internes vivant dans des camps, des organisations humanitaires et de la société civile, des fonctionnaires et des professionnels, ainsi que des données quantitatives issues de deux enquêtes (face-à-face à Bangui et par téléphone à travers le pays)." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"This article examines the role of radios in conflict by exploring the tenets of peace journalism in the United Nations sponsored Radio Okapi (Democratic Republic of Congo) and Radio Ndeke Luka (Central African Republic) run by the Swiss Fondation Hirondelle. It is a qualitative research that interv
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iewed journalists on how they perceive their role in society and margin of autonomy. It aims at answering the question: To what extent do the conventions of professional practice of journalism affect the way newsmaking is shaped under the peace journalism approach in conflict-stressed environments? The findings pointed that peace journalism encompasses the idea of a symbolic 'rapprochement' and reconcilement. Reporters stressed the notion of using journalism as a pedagogical tool. Many of the journalists have gone through life-threatening situations caused by opposition groups. Nonetheless, the testimonies accounted for a willingness to carry on with their commitment to a responsible journalism." (Abstract)
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"The 10 countries included in this paper all show specific characteristics and contexts but also show similar barriers. Identifying shared characteristics will facilitate the development of shared approaches to deal with shrinking space. Don’t work in silos!
It’s (also) about upholding the law:
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Lobbying parliament and the government to adopt pro-civic space laws can only be part of a solution. Actions to defend civic space must also target the political will and means to uphold the law.
Target state and non-state actors: Campaigns to promote and protect civic space should target both state and non-state actors.
Analyze the international level: The analysis of civic space infringements should go beyond the national level. Changes to civic space are also the result of international developments, like the war on terror following 9/11, the international war on drugs, the globalization of (the fight against) crime and money laundering, the growth of foreign direct investment (e.g. in land). That international level can be operationalized.
Use innovative strategies: Some organizations mention new, innovative ways of reconquering civic space, involving new target groups. There are inspiring examples of CSOs engaging the creative sector and the arts as a way to achieve societal change. Involve art and pop culture. Seek cross-fertilization between CSOs and (new) media.
Collect best practices: To facilitate shared learning an inventory of strategies and practical methods (best practices) used by civic actors to deal with shrinking civic space would be useful. New approaches, tips and strategies should be shared within a global network of likeminded organizations." (Conclusions and observations, page 11)
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"On December 15, Facebook announced that it had taken down three separate networks that it had discovered for “coordinated inauthentic behavior” that targeted communities across Africa. One, centered on the Central African Republic (CAR) and Mali, was linked to individuals associated with the Fr
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ench military. The other two, centered respectively on CAR and Libya, were connected to the business and influence operations of Russian oligarch Yevgeniy Prigozhin, founder of the mercenary organization Wagner Group and the Internet Research Agency “troll farm.” The French and Russian operations in the CAR tried to expose each other, and repeatedly clashed in groups, comments, and cartoon wars. We have documented the first of the Russian operations in a joint report with Stanford University entitled “Stoking Conflict by Keystroke”; this report focuses on the French and Russian operations that targeted CAR. For the sake of brevity, the operation linked to individuals with ties to the French military will be referred to as the “French operation” in this report, while the Russian operation attributed to individuals associated with past activity by the Internet Research Agency (IRA) and previous operations attributed to entities associated with Russian financier Yevgeniy Prigozhin is referred to as the “Russian operation” in this report. It is worth highlighting that Facebook did not attribute the operation directly to the French Government or the French military, and that this report similarly does not offer evidence of institutional involvement from French governmental and military entities." (Executive summary)
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"The trend in international newsgathering is to greater reliance on local journalists and fixers to provide crucial information to a global audience. At the same time, these local journalists are themselves becoming targets of violence. Increasingly, local journalists are being killed in the line of
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fire. Their deaths create stress for their colleagues, families and communities. It remains a challenge to discern areas in which the global community can provide support to journalists in these circumstances. As long as we continue to rely on fixers and local journalists for news and information from hot spots around the world, we must also provide them with adequate support to mitigate risk, including to their mental health. Local journalists, such as those in the Central African Republic, are one of the most likely groups of journalists to experience psychological trauma, thanks to the implicit risks of their work, combined with public pressure to provide news from these situations. What support can be provided to these journalists and how can it best meet the specific needs of such a community? Can we promote resiliency? The first step is to acknowledge the dearth of relevant research on mental health and psychosocial support for local journalists in conflict or emergency settings. There is a need for research on the kinds of trauma (and resilience) that journalists experience and their causes, including impacts on the individual and colleagues and impacts on the work […] Second, "little has been done to develop treatments based on local coping styles, culture-specific idioms of distress, and culturally appropriate helping methods" (de Jong 2017, 209) […] Third, any training efforts of journalists should be accompanied with mental health and psychosocial support […] Finally, the United Nations has adopted the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity This may at least give some wider symbolic support to journalists who are victims of traumatic attacks. Ultimately, there must be a recognition that the mental health of the journalist can have an impact on their reporting - something that is particularly critical in conflict environments." (Conclusion)
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