"Journalism is a demanding profession in Afghanistan, where females are less encouraged to become journalists. Even recently, the people of Afghanistan still do not encourage females to work outside. But still, a significant number of females are engaged in journalism. It contributes to society for
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economic prosperity and changes the attitude toward the concept and process of development. A noticeable change is occurring in the social attitude symbolized by the advancement of females in the journalism sector. These contributions also pave the way for women's and human freedom. Afghan female journalists have made significant gains since the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001. 1741 working Afghan female journalists are a symbol for other Afghan females, who are living in their homes and are not permitted to work outside. These female journalists report on violence against women every day and publish and transmit them through their media and acquaint them with their Islamic and cultural rights. Even their (people) views towards females, who are working in the media are not very positive, but still, the Afghan female journalists continue to do their jobs. Besides the security issues that female journalists are facing daily, they are facing discrimination in and outside of the office and are also concerned about the future. So in this context, the main reason for this study is to reveal the working conditions and main challenges of Afghan female journalists." (Abstract)
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"Uzbekistan faces socio-political changes in the last years and the impact of these turnouts are reflected in the media landscape of the country. Several cases show that the issues of gender equality and the safety of journalists are becomingmore threatening. Some journalists suffer from political p
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ressure, harassment, and physical or psychological threats. The analysis of the most discussed real cases can be the authentic example reducing of the freedom of the press in the country." (Abstract)
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"Reports of the online harassment of journalists have continued to increase as more newsrooms place higher emphasis on social media engagement with audiences. However, this harassment is subject to gendered dynamics, as women journalists are most often the target of online abuse, and the attacks the
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mselves are often gender-centric. This study employs a mixed-method approach to explore how gender influences broadcast journalists’ social media interactions with audiences. Qualitative interviews with US broadcast journalists, along with a social media discourse analysis of the journalists’ Twitter pages, reveal the sexist nature of these interactions. Specifically, findings show that women journalists are treated not only as sexual objects, but also as non-serious journalists. In response to this treatment, women journalists adjust their social media strategies by limiting what they post and blocking certain users. This puts women journalists in a difficult position: increase coveted audience engagement and deal with online harassment or block abusive social media users and suffer the career impacts of low audience engagement. Implications are discussed." (Abstract)
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"Digital platforms quickly became prevalent over physical public space, allowing debates, interactions, and activism to flourish. With women journalists contributing significantly to the formation of a vibrant digital public space, offline violence has adapted and evolved with digital platforms. Sin
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ce 2015, the safety of journalists has profiled as an object of research in the field of communication sciences. Researchers identify, explore, and analyze the nature, prevalence, mediums of support and impacts, both personal and journalistic, of new aggressions specific to the digital environment, which aim to discredit, condition, and silence female participation. However, the wide diversity of terms and definitions used by academics has made it difficult to identify the phenomenon of digital violence against journalists and what would be the appropriate way to legislate it, to guarantee a protection of rights adapted to the digital environment. Based on scientific papers that have carried out a systematic review of terms used in previous research to characterize digital violence against women journalists, we intend to identify the best way to conceptually characterize the phenomenon and which issues need to be considered for a legislation of journalists' safety in digital arena." (Abstract)
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"Drawing on an original dataset of survey responses collected in the summer of 2022 across four countries - Brazil, India, the UK, and the US - they examine the relationship between trust in news and how people think about news on digital platforms, especially Facebook, Google, WhatsApp, and YouTube
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, some of the most widely used platforms around the world. What they find is somewhat nuanced; how people think about information on platforms varies considerably. It depends on the platform, it depends on the country, it depends on the audiences within those countries, and it depends on the kinds of news those audiences are encountering in these varying spaces." (Executive Summary and Key Findings, page 3)
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"According to a survey conducted by Reporters without Borders (RSF) in December 2021, from 10,790 people working in Afghan media (8,290 men and 2,490 women) at the start of August 2021, only 4,360 (3,950 men and 410 women) were still working and the number may reduce even further. For this survey, d
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ata were collected through online and in-person manual surveys in May 2022. The questionnaire included 23 questions and was completed by 308 respondents in Dari (75.97%) and Pashto (24.03%). All 100 percent respondents were female. The survey largely represented reporters (54.87%), followed by journalists (19.16%), producers (9.74%), presenters (3.90%) and others (12.01%). [...] A majority of respondents (67.86%) reported that they have lost their jobs since the de facto authorties’ takeover of Afghanistan in August. The highest ratio of respondents having lost their jobs compared to the respondents interviewed were in Bamyan (100%), followed by Kandahar (91%), Balkh (85%), Badakhshan (68%) and Kabul (62%). 60.39% of respondents reported that they have felt ‘major changes’ since the collapse of the former government. In addition, 28.90% respondents reported changes in some cases. As for the level of restrictions imposed on reporting since the de facto authorities’ takeover of power, an astounding 80.52% of respondents reported the case to be ‘very restricted’. As far as the reporting autonomy is concerned, 45.13% respondents mentioned that ‘Government Interferences have Increased’, while 35.71% responded as ‘Bad’ meaning the independency in journalists’ reporting is bad.
46.75% of respondents mentioned that the de facto authorities’ spokespersons do not respond to female journalists, followed by 29.55% who mentioned that they do respond, but just in some cases. All 100% of the respondents reported that they have received some kind of threat since the de facto authorities have taken over the power, and reported the major threat against female journalists to be the new restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities (52.9%), followed by the gender-based discrimination (18.8%), and threats posed by extremist groups (16.9%). A majority of the respondents (55.19%) reported that they were restricted from their work specifically due to their outfit/sense of clothing and some (27.92%) reported that they have experienced the same but to some extent only." (Executive summary, pages 5-6)
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"After nearly 20 years of international investment and successful efforts to build a diverse media landscape and strengthen journalism standards, the Afghan media sector has fundamentally changed for the worse since the Taliban (also referred herein to as the de facto authorities) takeover on 15 Aug
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ust 2021. Before mid-August 2021, dedicated initiatives and investment focused on increasing the number of women working in the media across a diversity of roles, training and equipping them with valuable skills and expertise, as well as a substantive focus on women’s rights and gender equality in the media content, including on how gender inequality is a driver of conflict. The Taliban has sought to bring the Afghan media under its control, prohibiting broadcasts and publications that criticize Taliban rule and/or are incompatible with the group’s interpretation of Islamic and Afghan values. There is no universal experience across the changed media environment as the level of subnational variation is notable. The position of individual de facto leaders on media freedom varies according to their personal viewpoints and relationship to the media in the past, and their perception of the value of media to extend the credibility and authority of the Taliban in the eyes of the target audience. Despite subnational variations, nationwide trends are becoming increasingly discernible, clear and solidified. Although in some cases the level of discretion may be higher, rules and practices are consistent and congruent – continuous harassment, attacks, and detention of journalists, the requirement for women journalists to cover their face when on air, and various tactics which combined lead to self-censorship and exclusion of women from the media. This indicates a systematic and coherent effort to
muzzle the media and exclude women – their faces, perspectives, and experiences – from public spaces." (Summary)
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"Beginning in August 2017, the Myanmar security forces undertook a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar’s Northern Rakhine State. A UN investigation found that the role of Facebook in the violence was “significant”. This report is based on an in-depth investi
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gation into Meta (formerly Facebook)’s role in the serious human rights violations perpetrated against the Rohingya. It reveals that in the months and years leading up to the 2017 atrocities, the Facebook platform became an echo chamber of virulent anti-Rohingya content in Myanmar. Meta’s algorithms proactively amplified and promoted content which incited violence, hatred, and discrimination against the Rohingya – pouring fuel on the fire of long-standing discrimination and substantially increasing the risk of an outbreak of mass violence. Despite its partial acknowledgement that it played a role in the 2017 violence against the Rohingya, Meta has to date failed to provide an effective remedy to affected Rohingya communities. However, Amnesty International’s systematic legal analysis of Meta’s role in the atrocities perpetrated against the Rohingya leaves little room for doubt: Meta substantially contributed to adverse human rights impacts suffered by the Rohingya and has a responsibility to provide survivors with an effective remedy." (Back cover)
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‘Feminine Frequencies’: Gender, Radio, and the Auditory Culture of Revolution in 1940s China / 4
Frocks And Powder Puffs / 13
María Luisa Ross: Mexican Educator, Writer and Radio Station Manager / 23
Cathleen Nesbitt: Britain’s First Radio Drama Producer / 32
‘Women on the Air’: A Contrib
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ution to the History of Women in Community Radio in Europe / Birigtte Jallov, 36
Broadcasting History but also Working Lives: Women’s History in the BBC’s Written Archives, 42
The Women Diarists of Early Radio / Emilie Morin, 45
In Profile: Kate Terkanian, 47
[Four Book Reviews: Women in British and US Media]
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"Social media offered new opportunities for politicians to engage with the public. However, little research has explored public perceptions of women politicians and their role in women’s empowerment, especially in non-Western contexts. This study used a qualitative methodology to explore how young
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Emirati women made sense of gender and other identities in their discussions of Emirati women politicians on social media. Drawing from intersectionality theory, the study looked beyond gender, exploring other identities that may play a role in Emirati women’s perceptions. The results offered insights into the family and ethnic identity as they interacted with gender. The findings also highlighted the challenges of personalizing messages in a patriarchal society. This study contributes to international political communication research and practice by understanding the complexity of women’s sense-making of social media and women politicians in a non-Western context." (Abstract)
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"This article is a study of mourning among Shi’a Muslims during the COVID-19 pandemic through a call-in talk show called #IAMHUSSEINI. By analyzing the discourses of callers and presenters and locating them within a visual context of the television studio, this article shows how the viewership of
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#IAMHUSSEINI constitutes a televisual majlis (Arabic: ‘assembly’) composed of more than passive asynchronous consumption and resembling what Patrick Eisenlohr refers to as ‘atmospheres’. This article argues that the COVID-19 pandemic drove #IAMHUSSEINI to recalibrate to expectations of a spatially proximate ritual, rather than sustaining a ‘natively digital’ aesthetic, repurposing Richard Rogers’ approach to digital methods. This change brought about a tacit understanding of the televisual majlis among #IAMHUSSEINI’s viewers. This article therefore posits a difference between ‘spatial intercorporeality’, in which bodies are mediated by spatial proximity, and ‘functional intercorporeality’, in which they are mediated by the material preconditions of a shared activity." (Abstract)
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"Thanks to an inclusive and context-sensitive selection process of youth journalists and relevant and participatory capacity-building sessions, the project successfully empowered hard to reach youth by providing them with a range of transferable skills that they have been able to use both within and
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beyond the project. The young journalists were able to produce quality radio programming which was very positively received by the communities, as 90 percent of surveyed community members found that the radio programs produced by the young journalists as part of the project bring an added value on critical social and political issues. This is a significant improvement from the baseline (35,7 percent in South Sudan, 16,7 percent in CAR and 76,2 percent in Mali), thus indicating the program’s success in changing perceptions regarding the value of youth’s perspectives. Nonetheless, both the audience and project staff identified avenues for improving the reach of the radio programs, including exploring other media, and increasing communication around the program and broadcast times. Beyond enabling youth journalists to produce high-quality radio programs, the project also benefits them by fostering motivation, entrepreneurialism, agency and success as the evaluation found evidence of youth journalists creating their own initiatives, and acting as mediators in conflicts between friends or in their family. In addition, amongst youth from the community who participated in project activities, the project led to increased awareness of their role and capacities as change agents." (Key findings, page 6)
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"The intention of this Brief is to support sports organizations – clubs and associations at both the grassroots and professional levels – to better protect children online. It aims to help:
– Develop a dedicated child online protection strategy and policy, which can be integrated into existin
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g child protection frameworks or guidelines and into child-friendly statements.
– Develop specific procedures and codes of conduct to promote safe online practices for children, young people and staff (e.g. for the use of videoconferencing platforms, social networks and Wi-Fi services).
– Define a protection focal point to receive reports and complaints from victims of online violence and establish mechanisms to respond effectively, linking victims to the appropriate support and referral services.
– Provide capacity building for children, coaches, parents, educators and staff, and support efforts towards the development of their digital skills." (Page 2)
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"The aim of this report is to support ITU members and stakeholders from the Africa region in their efforts to achieve inclusive digital communities by assessing ICT accessibility as a key driver in achieving digital inclusion within the digital transformation process. The report provides an overview
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of the current situation of ICT accessibility implementation in the Africa region. In this document, Member States will also find: information on challenges and opportunities related to digital inclusion; descriptions and definitions of the pillars of digital inclusion within the digital transformation process; information and knowledge about the critical importance of ICT accessibility in ensuring the digital inclusion of all persons regardless of gender, age, ability or location; guidance on the requirements for implementing ICT accessibility, such as ICT accessibility policies and strategies, accessible ICT products and services, appropriation and digital skills." (Page 2)
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"This paper serves to explore how we can embrace a more expansive and inclusive view of media by drawing on case studies and examples of good practice, particularly with regards to the COVID-19 response, which necessitated major operational changes and reliance on local partners. By collating and sh
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aring different examples of good practice, the paper encourages communication stakeholders to widen their thinking and practice in displacement contexts and explore ways in which more sustainable communication networks can take shape. To solicit different perspectives for the paper, a broad range of communication specialists, humanitarian professionals and media working in displacement settings were consulted. According to a brief survey8 carried out among communication and media practitioners working in displacement contexts, the four main barriers faced when working with displaced communities in the area of communication and media development are: 1. Access; 2. Language; 3. Government restrictions; 4. Funding/resources. When asked about key recommendations for communicating in displacement contexts, most respondents replied that people affected by displacement must be included in all phases of the project." (Focus, page 11)
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"Memory and Erasure brings together young and established Zimbabwean scholars and activists who explore with fresh eyes the failure to overcome the terrible legacies of this period. At its heart is recognition that justice cannot be achieved while Gukurahundi’s perpetrators remain in power and sti
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ll seek to control the memory of that period. The chapters explore the failures of peacebuilding, finding only a negative peace, the weighty obstacle to reform of the ‘securocratic state’, and the weaknesses of transitional justice efforts and institutions, from the late 1980s to the present. They focus on ‘linguistic genocide’, noting not only the use of linguistic difference to violently divide and target during Gukurahundi, but the use of Gukurahundi as metaphor for a structural violence that has carried on in the daily life of Ndebele speakers into the present. A highly original chapter focuses on the layered and gendered silences, powerfully rooted in shame and humiliation, that continue to shroud victims of sexual violence. The book ends with an important chapter on popular efforts at making counter-memory, through public lectures, the subversion of official celebrations, the reclaiming of statues, and above all an ongoing battle over the memorialisation of Bhalagwe camp, where thousands of people were detained, tortured and killed by state agents. This is a lonely, dangerous struggle, but it also underlines the ultimate failure of the party-state’s ‘anti-memory’. This book engages with wide-ranging theoretical work on transitional justice and memory, and makes revealing comparisons with cases from the former Yugoslavia to Namibia and South Africa." (Publisher description)
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