"Through a combination of interviews, surveys, desk research, and focus group discussions this Information Ecosystem Assessment (IEA) explores trends of information demand and supply within refugee and host communities. The report analyzes their information access, needs, use, flows, and identifies
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means of trust and influence within host and refugee communities in eastern Sudan. The report thus offers a deep understanding of information dynamics and demands of refugees from Tigray and Sudanese host communities. It also identifies entry points for the design and enhancement of humanitarian information, and communication and community engagement (CCE) services for Ethiopian refugees and host communities in Eastern Sudan. The findings reveal that refugees and host communities’ humanitarian information needs are only partially met. It details why refugees and host communities desire to be more involved in decision making processes of humanitarian agencies, and demand active involvement in humanitarian interventions." (Publisher description)
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"Radio is the dominant news source in Liberia, tuned in “every day” or “a few times a week” by 87% of adults. Almost four in 10 citizens (38%) say they regularly get news from the Internet and social media, while only about one in five are regular consumers of news via television (21%) and n
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ewspapers (16%). Three-fourths (76%) of Liberians say the media should “constantly investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption.” Six in 10 citizens (61%) say the media should be free to publish without government interference. But only one in five (19%) see Liberia’s media as “somewhat” or “completely” free. Despite support for media freedom, majorities say the government should be able to restrict the sharing of false information (74%), information that criticizes or insults the president (69%), hate speech (68%), and information or opinions that the government disapproves of (59%). Politicians (76%) and government officials (74%) are most widely seen as knowingly spreading false information. Among Liberians who have heard of social media, most (80%) see its impact on society as positive, although majorities also think it makes people more susceptible to fake news (73%) and more intolerant of other viewpoints (66%). More than seven in 10 Liberians (72%) say access to social media and the Internet should not be regulated by the government." (Key findings, page 2)
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"People everywhere feel ever more alienated from - and mistrustful of - news and those who make it. We no longer seem to know who or what to believe. We are living through a crisis of "information chaos". 'News: And How to Use It' is a glossary for this bewildering age. From AI to bots, from climate
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crisis to fake news, from clickbait to trolls (and more), here is the definitive user's guide for how to stay informed, tell truth from fiction and hold those in power accountable in the modern age." (Publisher description)
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"In der siebten Befragungswelle der Mainzer Langzeitstudie wurde ein deutlich gestiegenes Vertrauen in die Medien festgestellt. Den Medien scheint es 2020 gelungen zu sein, als Orientierungspunkt zu dienen und die Menschen mit Informationen zu versorgen. Auch der in den Vorjahren zu beobachtende Med
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ienzynismus und die Zustimmung zu Verschwörungserzählungen sind zurückgegangen. Das größte Vertrauen genießen die Angebote des öffentlichrechtlichen Rundfunks, die von 70 Prozent als vertrauenswürdig beurteilt werden. Nachrichten aus rein internetbasierten Quellen wird deutlich weniger Vertrauen entgegengebracht." (Seite 152)
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"DW Akademie commissioned field studies in the following six Middle Eastern and Northern African countries in 2019/20: Lebanon, Jordan, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. The initiative to carry out these studies stems from DW Akademie’s long-standing experience in the MENA region and the identi
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fied need to understand the singularities regarding the communication challenges posed by migration and displacement. The following research questions underpinned the study: 1. How does the national media represent the topics of migration and displacement? Are the voices of migrants and refugees heard in mainstream media? 2. What are the communication tools and strategies of important stakeholders in the field of migration and displacement in each of the six countries? 3. How do migrants and refugees access information and how do they communicate within their communities and the host societies? 4. Are migrant and refugee communities able to access information necessary to making informed decisions? What information do they seek? 5. What are the existing media development initiatives in each country?" (Introduction, page 7)
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"Using the example of Iraqi refugees in Jordan's capital of Amman, this book describes how information and communication technologies (ICTs) play out in the everyday experiences of urban refugees, geographically located in the Global South, and shows how interactions between online and offline space
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s are key for making sense of the humanitarian regime, for carving out a sense of home and for sustaining hope. This book paints a humanizing account of making do amid legal marginalization, prolonged insecurity, and the proliferation of digital technologies." (Publisher description)
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"In 2017, the UK Parliament passed an Act requiring legal pornographic websites to implement 'robust' age verification checks. Although the Act inspired lawmakers elsewhere to propose similar legislation, it was never enacted, in part because it did not cover social media platforms. Instead, the UK
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government has turned to its Online Harms White Paper - which does target social media platforms - to protect children from online pornography. There is, however, scant evidence on the media platforms and technologies children use to access pornography. To fill this knowledge gap, we conducted a survey of 16- and 17-year-olds in the United Kingdom. The results show that more (63%) had seen pornography on social media platforms than on pornographic websites (47%), suggesting the UK government was right to target such platforms in its latest proposals. However, pornography was much more frequently viewed on pornographic websites than on social media, showing how important the regulation of such sites remains. Furthermore, our finding that 46% of 16- and 17-year-olds had used a virtual private network or Tor browser adds weight to concerns that restrictions on legal internet pornography - such as age verification checks - imposed by a single country may be circumvented by those the restrictions are designed to protect." (Abstract)
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"The EU Support to Democratic Governance in Nigeria (EU SDGN) project funded by the EU employed a ‘social media first’ approach to strengthen the political knowledge, understanding, discussion and efficacy of young (18-24 years) women and men across all 36 states and FCT in Nigeria. High-impact
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social media content in the form of infographics, short factual films, still photographs, short drama skits and Public Service Announcements were produced and posted under the EU SDGN project (and MI-VotE project) across our BBC Media Action Arewa (Hausa) and Naija (English) Facebook and Instagram platforms to share balanced information on electoral and political processes, role model political participation, and engage young Nigerians in social issues that matter to them. The project also strengthened the capacity of media organisations across Nigeria to provide more trusted, accurate and balanced social media content that meets audience needs." (Page 1)
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"In journalism, there are still growing concerns about the ratio of men to women, even though women's presence in the newsroom have increased progressively. The issues of gender stereotyping and discrimination against women have emerged over time and still remain an issue of great concern. In view o
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f this, using the gender theory, this chapter aims to interrogate the issues of female representation in the practice of journalism in Ghana, in terms of numbers, portrayals, and discriminations. To achieve the aim, the study employs a qualitative approach through in-depth interviews. The study reveal that men still dominate the journalism profession in Ghana. Also women in the newsroom are portrayed on one hand as capable and hardworking and on the other hand as emotional and immoral. Furthermore, women in journalism in Ghana are discriminated against in terms of salary structure and job roles. It was also revealed that female journalists in Ghana are employing strategies like apathy and rebelliousness to deal with the negative portrayals and discrimination against them." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the effects of media coverage on the Rohingya refugee crisis based on articles from two liberal, elite newspaper sources, The New York Times and The Guardian between 2010 and 2020. The study reveals that the attempts of international pressure to stop the crisis have increased th
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rough media coverage and political pressures; however, the number of Rohingya refugees fleeing Myanmar intensified due to worsening violence and human rights violations committed by the Myanmar army. Findings are discussed using the lens of cultural and ideological context. The study suggests that in Myanmar, where authoritarian military culture is pervasive, there is a limited influence of the international press on the state-sponsored ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya population and questions whether consistent international pressure could have changed the outcome." (Abstract)
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"The strategy presented in this document is the result of a year-long process of literature review and consultation with staff, partners, journalists and experts. A number of webinars for seminars and debates were organised, and several drafts were distributed and discussed. Consequently, this strat
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egy constitutes a common construction of the larger IMS community. Much of it describes what IMS is already doing, and staff and partners alike will recognise elements of the current gender approach. The new perspective added – that of intersectional feminism – is not a miraculous and single solution to the challenges of media development. We believe, however, that it will allow us – the people who are the soul of IMS – to further express our commitment to gender equality." (Publisher description)
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"This Information Ecosystem Assessment documents how information around the COVID-19 pandemic is produced, consumed, and shared in Sudan contributing to the existence of multiple and overlapping information sub-systems within the supply side of the broader ecosystem. The findings show how the centra
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lization of news production, as well as power and resources, leads to the development of these sometimes-competing subsystems. This is evident through data collected from marginalized groups, such as displaced communities (refugees, IDPs, migrants) and those in communities that host them, who are not targeted by official supply mechanisms of information." (Executive summary)
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"Eight in 10 adult Zimbabweans (80%) say they have heard about social media. More than four in 10 (42%) citizens say they get news from social media “every day” or “a few times a week.” Among those who have heard about social media the vast majority (91%) say social media helps keep people i
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nformed about current events. Half (49%) believe that social media helps people have more impact on political processes. But seven in 10 (71%) also see social media as making people more likely to believe false information, and 44% say it makes people more intolerant of opposing views. Overall, six in 10 (61%) say the effects of social media on society are “somewhat positive” or “very positive.” Two-thirds (65%) of Zimbabweans say social media and the Internet help make people more informed and active citizens, and hence unrestricted access to these platforms must be protected." (Key findings, page 1-2)
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"This report analyses two Chinese state-linked networks seeking to influence discourse about Xinjiang across platforms including Twitter and YouTube. This activity targeted the Chinese-speaking diaspora as well as international audiences, sharing content in a variety of languages. Both networks atte
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mpted to shape international perceptions about Xinjiang, among other themes. Despite evidence to the contrary, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) denies committing human rights abuses in the region and has mounted multifaceted and multiplatform information campaigns to deny accusations of forced labour, mass detention, surveillance, sterilisation, cultural erasure and alleged genocide in the region. Those efforts have included using Western social media platforms to both push back against and undermine media reports, research and Uyghurs’ testimony about Xinjiang, as well as to promote alternative narratives. In the datasets we examined, inauthentic and potentially automated accounts using a variety of image and video content shared content aimed at rebutting the evidence of human rights violations against the Uyghur population. Likewise, content was shared using fake Uyghur accounts and other shell accounts promoting video ‘testimonials’ from Uyghurs talking about their happy lives in China." (Introduction)
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"Six in 10 adult Ethiopians (59%) own a mobile phone. But only 16% own a phone with Internet access. One in three (34%) own a radio, while 14% have a television set and only 2 % have a computer. The most common source of regular news (“every day” or “a few times a week”) for Ethiopians is th
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e radio (50%), followed by TV (24%), social media (12%), the Internet (9%), and newspapers (2%). A majority (59%) of Ethiopians assess the media as “somewhat free” or “completely free.” Only one in four (26%) consider the media “not very” or “not at all” free. But Ethiopians hold mixed views on just how free the media should be. While more than three-fourths (77%) want the media to report on government mistakes and corruption, almost half (48%) say the government should have the right to prevent the publication of things it disapproves of. And large majorities endorse the government’s right to prohibit the sharing of false information (79%) and hate speech (73%). Majorities say social media users (55%), politicians (52%), and activists (51%) “sometimes” or “often” knowingly spread false information or “fake news.” Only three in 10 Ethiopians (30%) have heard about social media. Among these citizens, more than half (54%) say social media has “somewhat positive” or “very positive” effects on society, while 35% see its effects as mostly negative." (Key findings, page 2)
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"A proliferation of a variety of health misinformation is present online, particularly during times of public health crisis. To combat online health misinformation, numerous studies have been conducted to taxonomize health misinformation or examine debunking strategies for various types of health mi
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sinformation. However, one of the root causes – strategies in such misinformation that may persuade the readers – is rarely studied. This systematic review aimed to fill this gap. We searched Web of Science, Scopus, PsycINFO, and Communication and Mass Media Complete for studies published between 2011 and 2021 on 29 May 2021. Peer-reviewed studies that discussed persuasive strategies in online misinformation messages were included. Of 1,700 articles identified, 58 were eligible and 258 persuasive strategies were extracted. Following the affinity diagraming process, 225 persuasive strategies in online health misinformation were categorized into 12 thematic groups, including: fabricating narrative with details, using anecdotes and personal experience as evidence, distrusting government or pharmaceutical companies, politicizing health issues, highlighting uncertainty and risk, inappropriate use of scientific evidence, rhetorical tricks, biased reasoning to make a conclusion, emotional appeals, distinctive linguistic features, and establishing legitimacy. Possible antecedents for why and how these persuasive strategies in online health misinformation may influence individuals were discussed. The findings suggest that media literacy education is essential for the public to combat health misinformation." (Abstract)
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"Inwiefern hat sich Journalismus in der heutigen demokratischen Gesellschaft als Vertrauensinstanz bewährt? Was zeichnet speziell das Vertrauen in Journalismus aus, oder wodurch wird es beeinträchtigt? Die in dieser Studie vorgelegten Antworten verweisen darauf, dass Vertrauen in den Journalismus
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an seine professionelle Qualität gekoppelt ist. Diese lässt sich zu einem erheblichen Teil beschreiben als Grad der ethischen Qualität; sie umfasst ein verantwortungsorientiertes Publizieren ebenso wie eine aufmerksame Beziehung zum Publikum. Ethische Kompetenz ist der gemeinsame Schlüssel – für den Journalismus ebenso wie für sein Publikum. Geleitet von dieser Grundthese hält die Autorin ein detailliertes Plädoyer für ethisches Empowerment von Journalist_innen und Bürger_innen als Grundlage des Vertrauens in die Medien. Auch mit Blick auf die heutige „plattformisierte Öffentlichkeit“ sieht die Autorin die Notwendigkeit einer entsprechenden Weiterentwicklung der institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen der Mediengesellschaft, die sich an einem ethischen Kompass ausrichten müssen." (Umschlagrücken)
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"The online harassment of female journalists is a rising concern around the world and also in South Asia. Bangladesh, a South Asian country, recently, has experienced an increasing number of harassments against female journalists online. Various studies explored the online harassment, mostly from th
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e Western perspectives. Scholars have argued that the online harassments may negatively affect the freedom of expression. But little is known about Bangladesh. Drawing upon feminist theory, this study investigated the experiences of online journalists in Bangladesh. The objectives were to explore the nature and forms of online harassment and to find how this experiences of harassments affect the freedom of expression of the victims. Data were collected through content analysis, semiotic analysis of the uncivil comments available in the online news feedback and in-depth interviews. Results of the study indicate that online harassment is a frequent phenomenon where the victim journalists feel vulnerable in the ‘unsafe' online ‘patriarchal' environment." (Abstract)
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"Focusing on the public sphere, the book follows the assumption that solidarity is a social value, political concept and legal principle that is discursively constructed in public contentions. The analysis refers systematically and comparatively to eight European countries, namely, Denmark, France,
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Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Treatment of data is also original in the way it deals with variations of public spheres by combining a news media claims-making analysis with a social media reception analysis. In particular, the book highlights the prominent role of the mass media in shaping national and transnational solidarity, while exploring the readiness of the mass media to extend thick conceptions of solidarity to non-members. It proposes a research design for the comparative analysis of online news reception and considers the innovative potential of this method in relation to established public opinion research." (Publisher description)
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