"Un livre évènement qui réunit les plus grands dessinateurs et dessinatrices de presse issus de tous les horizons du continent africain et qui luttent dans leurs pays respectifs pour ce droit fondamental qu'est la liberté de la presse. Plantu et Cartooning for Peace ont réuni une sélection de
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leurs dessins les plus marquants, dont l'ensemble constitue un recueil unique. Une cinquantaine de caricaturistes dont Zapiro, Gado, Glez, Dilem, Alaa Satir, Sherif Arafa, Zohoré, ou encore Willis from Tunis représentent une vingtaine de pays. Certains ont commencé à exercer leur métier dans des conditions souvent difficiles. D'autres y sont venus au monde. Tous ont en commun d'avoir compris que le dessin constitue l'arme idéale pour écrire leur société et fustiger ses maux, et ce malgré les intimidations et, pour certains, les incarcérations, dont ils sont victimes. L'Afrique, c'est depuis toujours le pays de la palabre et du dialogue entre cousins de plaisanteries qui savent pousser très loin la raillerie et l'autocritique. Ces dessins forment les marqueurs de l'histoire contemporaine de l'Afrique. Mais ces artistes ne se privent pas pour décocher certaines de leurs flèches à l'échelle planétaire. Ils nous voient autant que nous les regardons, et leur vision de force, de pertinence et de vérité, répond à un seul mot d'ordre qui se répète de planche à dessin en salle de rédaction : "Dessine-moi la liberté". (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Als Selfie oder im politischen Prozess, als gleichermaßen fluide wie langlebige Postings, in verstörenden Hassbildern oder als Labor des Feminismus wirken digitale Bilder in je eigenen Kontexten: Menschen inszenieren sich und werden inszeniert, vernetzen und bekämpfen sich, posieren und protesti
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eren, verfremden, ringen um Anerkennung, Deutungshoheiten und Aneignungen. Digitale Bilder brechen Normen auf, spiegeln oder verschleiern Realitäten, sind Propaganda oder Vehikel politischer Veränderungen, spalten Gegner, verbinden Gleichgesinnte oder fungieren als Glutnester von Hass und Menschenfeindlichkeit. Zugleich wirken all diese Formen visualisierter sozialer Handlungen als Katalysatoren gesellschaftlicher Prozesse, die ihrerseits wieder Dynamiken anstoßen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren beleuchten in fünf Beiträgen Formen, Absichten und Wirkungen digitaler Bildkulturen: den Bildprotest, den Screenshot, das Hassbild, den Netzfeminismus und das Selfie." (Buchrücken)
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"Au Brésil, la radio a toujours joué un rôle clé dans les principaux événements du pays ; cet important moyen de communication pour les Brésiliens reproduit toutefois les contradictions et les complexités de l’ensemble de la société, dans un contexte marqué par les inégalités sociales
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. Cet article, inspiré de notre recherche doctorale, éclairé par une approche théorique inspirée d’Antonio Gramsci, souhaite interroger la pertinence et quelques problématiques de la radio communautaire au Brésil à travers la présentation de deux exemples de stations situées dans des favelas et des témoignages d’acteurs." (Résumé)
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"Fake News, Hate Speech und Rassismus im Netz: Soziale Medien bieten Menschen und Organisationen auch dafür eine Plattform. Wie kann man gegensteuern und selbst aktiv für Demokratie, Meinungsvielfalt und die Entgiftung des gesellschaftlichen Klimas eintreten? Said Rezek, Politikwissenschaftler und
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Journalist, bezieht seit Jahren als Blogger Stellung gegen Rassismus und Hass im Netz. In diesem Buch vermittelt er das Handwerkszeug dazu: Was macht einen reichweitenstarken Blog aus? Zu welchen Themen und Anlässen lohnt sich die Positionierung? Welche Beitragsformen – z.B. Tweets, Memes, Listicles oder Offene Briefe - kann man speziell in Social Media einsetzen? Wie arbeitet man selbst gleichermaßen rechtssicher und kompetent und schützt sich vor Verletzungen der eigenen Privatsphäre? Das Buch bietet zahlreiche praktische Beispiele, wie, wann und wofür es sich zu bloggen lohnt, um Gegnern einer vielfältigen, friedlichen und demokratischen Gesellschaft nicht das Feld zu überlassen." (Buchrücken)
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"[...] This edition of the MFWA’s Media and Governance Series, explores the shrinking civic space in West Africa; the growing issues contributing to the shrinking civic space as well as its impact on the media landscape and citizens. It also suggests key actions required of stakeholders such as go
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vernments, civil society organisations, the media and ECOWAS to stem or reverse the downward trend for a stronger democracy in West Africa." (Introduction, page 4)
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"Since August 2017, USAID/Tanzania’s five-year Data-Driven Advocacy (DDA) Activity has sought to improve and sustain Tanzanian civil society’s ability to advocate for and influence policy on key national human rights issues using higher-quality data and information to drive results. Implemented
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by Freedom House in collaboration with Pact, DDA is funded at a total estimated cost of $8,700,000. The Activity provides mentorship and technical assistance to rights-focused civil society organizations (CSOs) in data collection, evidence-based advocacy, and digital and physical protection. DDA helps CSOs build or strengthen platforms for coordination with stakeholders and strengthen institutional capacity. It also provides CSOs with resources and mentorship to engage the GoT and encourage a more inclusive, data-driven, human rights–focused policymaking process [...] USAID asked the Data for Development Project to conduct this evaluation to assess how DDA has performed in relation to its specific objectives and performance targets. The evaluation gathered data to assess progress, challenges, and constraints to implementation and performance. It identified potential needs for adaptation or course correction in the remaining activity period. This utilization-focused evaluation also leveraged lessons learned to inform future USAID projects in Tanzania. Specifically, USAID and its Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance (DRG) Office plan to apply evaluation findings, conclusions, and recommendations to thinking and planning for future design." (Executive Summary, page vii)
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"Civil society technology, or civic tech, is one of the novel notions introduced by the digital age – a new form of social interaction and implementation of fundamental human rights. The dominating discourse that civic tech is about optimising and digitising public services is challenged by the ex
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amples of autocracies, like Belarus, where the rise of civic tech initiatives pre-, mid-, and post- the 2020 presidential election present examples of digital resistance to repressive state policies. In this paper, we seek to analyse the notion of civic tech in Belarus, identify its distinctive features, the role it plays as a tool of digital resistance, and the impact it has on human rights." (Page 1)
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"There are many valuable resources on how to conduct advocacy that provide a detailed, step-by-step approach. These approaches include best practices for identifying stakeholders, developing a message, or planning a timeline. We will not go deeply into these topics, but we do want to provide an intr
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oductory framework to help CSOs think about how to develop an advocacy action plan [...] In Part 1, we present the framework for advocacy planning. In Part 2, the guide provides a tactics toolbox that can be used in restrictive contexts where civil society is under threat. In Part 3, we provide additional resources to assist with your planning. The primary focus of this toolkit is found in Part 2 with detailed case studies illustrating 10 key tactics that can be used in a range of contexts." (Using this guide, page 5)
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"On October 17, 2019, following the announcement of a tax to be placed on calls made via the mobile communication application WhatsApp, thousands of Lebanese citizens took to the streets to protest against this arbitrary decision. The protest quickly morphed into a country-wide uprising in which cit
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izens from all walks of life participated. Digital technologies were heavily used by both protesters and counter-revolutionary forces. This descriptive commentary piece will seek to shed light on how the former used digital technologies in ingenious ways to further the cause of the uprising while the latter used them to break the uprising’s momentum, with the hope that such a piece can pave the way for further research on the intersection of social movements, technology, and counter-revolutionary tactics." (Abstract)
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"Policy advocacy is an increasingly important function of many nonprofit organizations, as they seek broad social changes in their concerning issues. Their advocacy practices, however, have often been guided by their own past experiences, anecdotes from peer networks, and consultant advice. Most of
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their practices have largely escaped empirical and theoretical grounding that could better root their work in established theories of policy change. The first book of its kind, Nonprofits in Policy Advocacy bridges this gap by connecting real practices of on-the-ground policy advocates with the burgeoning academic literature in policy studies. In the process, it empirically identifies six distinct policy advocacy strategies, and their accompanying tactics, used by nonprofits. Case studies tell the stories of how advocates apply these strategies in a wide variety of issues including civil rights, criminal justice, education, energy, environment, public health, public infrastructure, and youth." (Publisher description)
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"Investigating the root causes of the Syrian uprising of 2011, New Media and Revolution shows how acts of online resistance prepared the ground for better-organised street mobilisation. The book interprets the uprising not as the start of Syria’s social mobilisation but as a shift from online to o
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ffline contestation, and from localised and hidden practices of digital dissent to tangible mass street protests. Brownlee goes beyond the common dichotomy that frames new media as either a deus ex machina or a means of expression to demonstrate that, in Syria, media was a nontraditional institution that enabled resistance to digitally manifest and gestate below, within, and parallel to formal institutions of power. To refute the idea that the population of Syria was largely apathetic and apolitical prior to the uprising, Brownlee explains that social media and technology created camouflaged geographies and spaces where individuals could protest without being detected." (Publisher description)
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"As the revolutions across the Arab world that came to a head in 2011 devolved into civil war and military coup, representation and history acquired a renewed and contested urgency. The capacities of the internet have enabled sharing and archiving in an unprecedented fashion. Yet, at the same time,
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these facilities institute a globally dispersed reinforcement and recalibration of power, turning memory and knowledge into commodified and copyrighted goods. In The Arab Archive: Mediated Memories and Digital Flows, activists, artists, filmmakers, producers, and scholars examine which images of struggle have been created, bought, sold, repurposed, denounced, and expunged. As a whole, these cultural productions constitute an archive whose formats are as diverse as digital repositories looked after by activists, found footage art documentaries, Facebook archive pages, art exhibits, doctoral research projects, and ‘controversial’ or ‘violent’ protest videos that are abruptly removed from YouTube at the click of a mouse by sub-contracted employees thousands of kilometers from where they were uploaded. The Arab Archive investigates the local, regional, and international forces that determine what materials, and therefore which pasts, we can access and remember, and, conversely, which pasts get erased and forgotten." (Back cover)
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"In the 1991 cyclones that hit Bangladesh, 90 per cent of the 140 000 victims were women. In the deadly heat waves that hit France in 2003, most fatalities were elderly women. During the 2005 Hurricane Katrina emergency in New Orleans, most of the victims were Afro-American women and their children.
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And yet again, with the COVID-19 pandemic, women are bearing the brunt; not only because they represent an estimated 70 per cent of frontline healthcare workers and undertake most of the care work in the home, but because their over-representation in the informal economy and lower pay rates mean they are significantly harder hit by the economic downturn. In such times of crises, access to accurate information is life-saving and life-changing for women, their families and their communities. Their perspectives and experiences, as well as their ability to organize, lobby and inform, can dramatically improve disaster risk management. That is why we need more innovative and culturally sensitive approaches to empowering women and girls through digital networks, platforms and technologies. With many years of experience in delivering communications in times of disasters, ITU and the other partners of the Emergency Telecommunications Cluster (ETC) can attest to the importance and impact of such empowerment. That is why we are working to involve more women in the development of national disaster management strategies and strategic consultations on disaster preparedness and response, including for early warning systems. We hope this joint paper will go a long way towards integrating women’s needs into national disaster risk reduction frameworks, as well as in ensuring they get access to the digital tools that can play such an important role in their own safety and security, and that of their families and communities." (Foreword)
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"[...] El ciberactivismo emerge como una nueva forma de participación y movilización política, que pretende dinamitar los marcos de acción colectiva promoviendo la actuación de los ciudadanos dentro del espacio público. Dentro de la perspectiva de nuestra investigación, el ciberactivismo en C
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aracas se expresa de forma muy incipiente, si bien se han dado algunos eventos o movilizaciones, no podemos hablar de una movilización en red, ni mucho menos de repercusiones en los ámbitos políticos o sociales que conlleve a un proceso de cambio social. El ciberactivismo en Caracas no representa en los actuales momentos una nueva esfera del ejercicio de la ciudadanía y la participación política, con ello no negamos que haya algunas experiencias concretas o la realización exitosa de campañas usando las redes sociales, pero aún falta un largo camino por recorrer para fortalecer, incentivar la participación e impulsar una cultura cívica para actuar en la vida política ..." (Conclusiones)
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