"Observing the emergence of public service broadcasting on the eve of colonialism in Botswana (early 60s to early 2000s), the central thesis of the article is that the roots of control of the media in contemporary Botswana can be traced to British anxieties about the possibility of a nationalist rev
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olution in the protectorate, following political trends of the anti-apartheid black nationalist movements in neighbouring South Africa. To understand the continuing deep-seated fear of letting go of state ownership of particularly Radio Botswana, the Botswana Daily News and Botswana Television (BTV) is to understand the fragility of Africa's postcolonial nation states, and thus its bureaucracies. Common belief has it that because Botswana is ethnically homogenous, it therefore experiences very little threat to its nation-building project, the truth is that stifling debate has been an important function of government control of the media. Even with the advent of social media platforms and their unprecedented influence in African politics (as in the Arab Spring), in Africa broadcasting will remain a vehicle for mobilising power and states seem intent on maintaining that control for the foreseeable future." (Abstract)
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"The Story of an Uprising examines the political and media dynamic in pre-and post-revolution Egypt and what it could mean for the country's democratic transition. We follow events through the period leading up to the 2011 revolution, eighteen days of uprising, military rule, an elected president's
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year in office, and his ouster by the military. Activism has expanded freedoms of expression only to see those spaces contract with the resurrection of the police state. And with sharpening political divisions, the facts have become amorphous as ideological trends cling to their own narratives of truth." (Back cover)
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"Clandestine broadcasts are politically-motivated broadcasts produced by groups opposed to the government of the target country. Other target broadcasts can be produced by either governmental or non-governmental organisations and are targetted at zones of regional or local conflict." (Page 508)
"In a pilot field study, conducted in February 2014 in Kenya and Uganda, news journalists reflected on the use of and interest in the Chinese international media offered in East Africa at the moment. An earlier survey, done in 2009, showed that Kenyan journalists emphasized several factors that play
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a role for their independence, such as their collective professional status and media owners’ financial and political interests. What foregrounds in this context, is the media organizations’ manipulation of news in favour or disfavour of various interests. The field study found that a pluralist media in itself does not guarantee a coherent debate based on factual information (Helander, 2010). Building on this analysis of the media in East Africa, my current research seeks to investigate the role of China’s international media in the local media system. China Central Television and China Radio International have their regional base in Nairobi, and work in close cooperation with the government led Kenya Broadcasting Corporation. The study has found that politically sensitive issues, which can have negative economic repercussions for China and the host country, are barely covered by Xinhua News. The correspondents at CCTV, CRI and China Daily Africa apply a cautious approach to the reporting of some important stories (Interview in Nairobi 14-02-10). Because China’s initiative in media is state-led and thereby less independent, these communication channels have yet to gain credibility among the media practitioners. However, the field study conducted in Nairobi and Kampala in February 2014, points to anther other question regarding the current efficacy, or popularity, of the Chinese news sources. The interviews gave cause to doubt the importance of perceived credibility of the content, to rather stress the question of whether Chinese international media is interesting. Both the framing, and the choice of news stories, were deemed by interviewees using the words boring, uninteresting or lacking political news value. After further interviews with media practitioners were conducted in Johannesburg and Nairobi in December 2014, a more varied view of Chinese news sources transpired. The opinions within the population of journalists in South Africa and Kenya ranged from trust and interest to very poor trust and complete disinterest, in reports from Chinese news sources." (Pages 1-3)
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"The aim of this report is not to question the value of supporting Internet freedom in closed societies such as Iran. Rather, the intent is to provide a picture of how difficult it is to achieve progress in such countries. In times of tightening budgets for media development work, it is worth consid
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ering where best to place one’s bets. While trying to improve access to the Internet for Iranians is a worthy goal in terms of foreign policy and human rights, it is less clear whether such efforts have had much immediate impact in improving Iran’s media landscape, or in convincing the senior leadership that Internet freedom is indeed a worthy pursuit. Looking forward, more work needs to be done to understand what kind of aid policies and approaches are most effective in societies such as Iran. Many donors would like to support the groups that are struggling to maintain open Internet access, and the immediate goal of helping Internet activists preserve some modicum of Internet freedom is clearly a worthy endeavor. The longer term goal will likely require not only preserving as many freedoms as possible now, but also a broader, more integrated program of support to the media sector that includes a combination of technical assistance and engagement with both civil society and the intelligentsia. Until such a wide engagement is possible, the outlook for freedom in Iran will likely remain gloomy." (Conclusion)
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"Turkish television has undergone a distinctive transformation since the early 2000s in which new regulations, rapid market growth, and political pressures have interacted with and transformed each other. As Turkey set new records in 2013 for the highest number of journalists arrested worldwide, tel
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evision dramas have suffered from their fair share of political pressures, while the contemporary political agenda has, in turn, infiltrated the content of television dramas. This article analyzes the ways in which Turkish television dramas appear as a sphere of political contest." (Abstract)
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"This paper reflects the adaptation and transformation of the Chinese party-state's government strategy in the digital era. Through a discourse analysis of the current Chinese debate on the role of microblogs in China, it argues that China's political elites have revised their social management stra
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tegy. They now tend to base their political decision-making on strategic calculations that reflect online public opinion in order to increase the system's efficiency and to generate a new kind of performance-based legitimacy. This turn to a more responsive mode of governance has been driven by the findings of Internet surveys and reports provided by Chinese research institutes and advisory bodies. A close reading of these documents and reports helps to answer the question of why authoritarian states such as China do not prohibit the spread of new communication technologies, even though these are said to have triggered or at least facilitated the rebellions of the Arab Spring." (Abstract)
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"For more than half a century, North Korea’s leaders have relied on a domestic media monopoly to control what information North Koreans can access and how narratives around that information are presented. But the situation on the ground is changing, thanks in large part to North Koreans’ expandi
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ng access to unsanctioned foreign media and information sources. InterMedia’s A Quiet Opening: North Koreans in a Changing Media Environment documents this evolution based on research among recent North Korean defectors, refugees and travelers abroad. The project’s assessment of the current state of the media environment in North Korea suggests that substantial numbers of North Koreans are able to access various forms of foreign media. These include foreign TV and radio broadcasts, and particularly foreign DVDs brought into the country from China by cross-border traders and smugglers. Other vectors for information from abroad include smuggled mobile phones capable of receiving foreign signals, and the exchange of illicit foreign content on otherwise legal MP3/MP4 players and USB drives." (www.audiencescapes.org, June 18, 2012)
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"Instead of defining a priori the types of websites to be included in a national web, the approach put forward here makes use of web devices (platforms and engines) that purport to provide (ranked) lists of URLs relevant to a particular country. Once gathered in such a manner, the websites are studi
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ed for their properties, following certain of the common measures (such as responsiveness and page age), and repurposing them to speak in terms of the health of a national web: Are sites lively, or neglected? The case study in question is Iran, which is special for the degree of Internet censorship undertaken by the state. Despite the widespread censorship, we have found a highly responsive Iranian web. We also report on the relationship between blockage, responsiveness and freshness, i.e., whether blocked sites are still up, and also whether they have been recently updated. Blocked yet blogging portions of the Iranian web show strong indications of an active Internet censorship circumvention culture. In seeking to answer, additionally, whether censorship has killed content, a textual analysis shows continued use of language considered critical by the regime, thereby indicating a dearth of self-censorship, at least for websites that are recommended by the leading Iranian platform, Balatarin." (Abstract)
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Examining the media of one of the world’s most censored societies, this report finds that the Syrian media is under increasing threat but identifies growing use of new media to circumvent old restrictions.
"In China as elsewhere, netizens have made new demands upon government and challenged conventional media to respond to popular concerns. Established approaches to controlling the media may be otiose; Party leaders are stressing the value of cooperation rather than confrontation and calling for a new
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relationship between media and authority. This article examines how the department of a city government traditionally tasked with controlling the media and shaping opinion is seeking to come to terms with the calls from the centre and, in the process, think up a different kind of relationship with the media. From dealings with press officers over four years, the authors identify a reflective and dynamic response to the present challenges. The respondents speculate that arrangements being put in place to deal with the new media environment may change fundamentally the relationships between authority and citizen, and the authors evaluate this." (Abstract)
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"This report addresses the challenges of supporting independent media in countries where media freedoms are restricted, based on country case studies in Bangladesh, Cambodia, South Sudan, Syria and Uganda. According to Myers, the dilemmas of foreign support include short-term donor strategies, the l
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ack of reliable local partners, the patchy evidence of the positive impact of past media support, the management of inflammatory media coverage and sometimes hate speech in countries that face inter-ethnic tensions or sectarian conflict. On the other hand, the publication also details strategies that have had some measure of success like foreign and UN broadcasting, training and advocacy from the outside, emphasizing neutral and 'public interest' topics when working from inside a country and supporting local rights organisations and media advocacy groups. The study concludes - among other factors - that media should be a key area of political economy analysis, that media assistance should be incorporated more explicitly within broader development systems, and that support should concentrate on media outlets and not just on individual journalists." (CAMECO Update 2-2012)
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"This article has aimed to open a discussion on the rethinking a neo authoritarian media system in the age of neo liberalism as a case of Turkey’s media experiences. In this context, this study deals with the media policy paradigm shift in the Republic of Turkey since 1980s. According to a recent
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report of the European Journalism Centre (2010:4); although in the wake of a recent democratization wave in the country, there have been some positive elements in the media such as sporadic emergence of some critical perspectives even in some notoriously biased media outlets, which may change this bleak picture, the structural factors which shape the media practices (ownership concentration, working conditions of the journalist, etc) are too rigid and therefore it is too early to become optimistic. In this context, some aspects of these democratization processes are taken from the candidacy of European Union. Despite these positive developments in the doorstep of the European Union, Turkey’s media experience is heavily based on ownership structure and journalistic routines are far away from the democratic media system. Therefore, Turkey’s media experiences are characterised as a sample of neo authoritarian media system with ongoing media policy transformations, for instance privatization of media companies as much as possible, breaking monopolies and the fundamental change of the public broadcasting service is in the context of media policy. This observable change depends on the two overlapping development in Turkey’s democracy. On the one hand, the landscape of national media spaces has been affected by the political and economical conditions; especially after the two financial crashes (in 2000 and 2001) Turkey’s media has followed a re-structure by means of ownership and control. On the other hand, Turkey’s media experiences have been affected by governmental changes. Before the economic crises Turkey’s democracy was governed by a coalition and after the economic crises Turkey’s government changed by the national elections in 2002. Thus this article seeks to answer two interrelated questions: Where does press freedom stand in Turkey decades after the Justice and Development Party’s policies began? And what does Turkey’s media transformation tell us about our understanding of mass political media systems? In this study by using comparative analysis, and incorporating political science literature that offers typologies of non democratic systems of governance, this article demonstrates that contemporary Turkey’s media find much in common with authoritarian regimes across the world and are not sui generis as some have argued." (Abstract)
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"Pese al clima –por momentos agobiante– de polarización, en Cuba ha emergido una variedad de blogs y de blogueros que buscan sobreponerse a las dificultades políticas y materiales. Más allá de los adjetivos con que cada «bando» busca descalificar a los otros, en los últimos años la exten
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sión de la blogósfera cubana ha sido capaz, no obstante, de construir algunos puentes y espacios que buscan salir de los «monólogos» tanto oficialistas como opositores. Todo ello en un contexto en el que tanto para el gobierno cubano como para el de Estados Unidos la web forma parte de una batalla política de mayores dimensiones." (Resumen)
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"China’s television sector has undergone rapid transformation since the country’s reform and opening-up in the late 1970s. This article presents the main results of a recently completed PhD project, aiming to understand the role of the Chinese party-state in this transformation. The project supp
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orts global transformation theories and develops a three-tier analytical framework to assess (1) the transformation of television governance by the party-state; (2) the impact of party-state policies on Chinese television; and (3) the interplay of party-state policies with other power factors. The findings suggest that the transformation of Chinese television has undergone three stages – internationalization, transnationalization and renationalization – in accordance with the changing role of the Chinese party-state under globalization. The study complements global transformation theories in presenting evidence from a transitional Communist country to show that the (party-) state not only remains a key actor for globalization, but has itself also undergone profound changes in response to it." (Abstract)
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"This article analyses the re-emergence of clandestine radio in post-independence Zimbabwe, and how it has become an important tool for disseminating alternative viewpoints in an environment where democratic communicative space is restricted. The article focuses specifically on SW Radio Africa, one
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of the major clandestine radio stations that have been beaming into Zimbabwe since 2001. It argues, based on analysis of this radio station, that by suppressing clandestine radio through jamming signals and intimidating listeners, the government has inadvertently raised people's curiosity and made these stations more visible and more popular than they otherwise would have been. Further, it argues that Zimbabweans are not passive victims of state propaganda. Rather, they continue to devise new communicative spaces outside the dominant state media empire and access alternative viewpoints from an array of emerging platforms." (Abstract)
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