"Building on critical theory, most notably Herman and Chomsky's Propaganda Model, Florian Zollmann's pioneering study brings propaganda back to the forefront of the debate. On the basis of a forensic examination of 1,911 newspaper articles, Zollmann investigates US, UK and German media reporting of
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the military operations in Kosovo, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Egypt. The book demonstrates how 'humanitarian intervention' and 'R2P' are only evoked in the news media if so called 'enemy' countries of Western states are the perpetrators of human rights violations. Zollmann's work evidences that the news media plays a crucial propaganda role in facilitating a selective process of shaming during the build-up towards military interventions." (Back cover)
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"The main task of the study was to evaluate, from the perspective of Burundian (n=58) and Ugandan (n=183) journalists the feasibility of making operational the normative frames of peace reporting as expounded by peace journalism scholars against the more entrenched news frames that favour conflict o
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r violence [...] The findings discussed in this chapter show that, overall, Burundian and Ugandan journalists still emphasise the frames of conflict or violence as viable news values. The survey results confirm the claim by scholars who have observed that conventional journalism frames that favour conflict or violence are well-entrenched and routinely influence media content. The rootedness of the frames of conflict or violence is evident across gender and years of journalism experience. This rootedness is most likely due to the training which is still dependent on literature and models of what Galtung and Ruge identified as favouring the conflict or violence framing of news." (Conclusion, page 231-232)
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"This chapter examined compassion as a news value in the humanitarian coverage of the 2014 war in Gaza by French and UK broadcasters to show the extent to which victims of foreign conflict can be portrayed with greater and lesser degrees of compassion … The study demonstrates that compassion as a
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news value is highly contextual, and in some cases was found to be insufficient as a dominant news characteristic. Coverage displayed other dominant news values such as negativity, violence and graphic imagery of the dead and wounded, and the elite value of world leaders. It confirmed that a hierarchy of victims can be identified in coverage of humanitarian suffering. For example, coverage by 20 Heures of related protests in Paris revealed that domestic victims may quickly displace remote others because of their cultural and geographical proximity. News at Ten provided a predominantly humanitarian coverage with direct interaction with victims while 20 Heures preferred less emotive and more one-dimensional coverage supported throughout with analytical, factual information. The findings not only provided insight into compassion as a news value but also shed light on it as an emotion among the warring parties, demonstrating the difficulty, if not impossibility, of displaying compassion for the enemy, regardless of their state of suffering." (Conclusion)
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"Remembering the Holocaust is a central part of historical awareness and political culture in reunified Germany, Israel, and the United States. But can the same be said for other parts of the world? How have societies that were not affected by occupation and extermination measures under the Nazi reg
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ime dealt with the legacy of the Holocaust? How have minorities with their own experiences of persecution reacted to specific acts of remembrance? How does demographic change affect memory? In what ways have immigrants come to terms with the central significance of the Holocaust? From a global perspective and in different national and regional contexts, international experts analyse the worldwide transformation of Holocaust remembrance. The fourteen case studies focus on the genesis and functions of remembrance in Europe, North and South America, Israel, North Africa, South Africa and Asia. The volume identifies and discusses contradictions and challenges in a process often referred to as the ‘globalisation’ or ‘universalisation’ of Holocaust remembrance." (Publisher description)
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"The Boko Haram terrorism and violent extremism that ravaged North East Nigeria and Republics of Chad, Niger and Cameroons from 2009-2015 exposed weaknesses in the safety policy and protocols for local journalists in times and zones of tension in Nigeria. Boko Haram terrorists killed 30,000 people a
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nd destroyed property worth billions of dollars. In the midst of the violence and killings, journalists demonstrated their resilience to report, with severe consequences for their safety and professional integrity. Some were killed, many injured, and most were threatened by the terrorists and the authorities. Pressure mounted on journalists and media houses from the public, the terrorists and the security agencies. This chapter explains the dangers, risks and challenges encountered by Nigerian journalists and media and the safety options they adopted to maintain professional correctness in reporting terror and violence in hostile circumstances." (Abstract)
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"Letters to the editor published by two Colombian newspapers during 1999–2008 were examined. Most addressed themes, domestic politics and the citizens’ affairs, were analyzed herein to describe emotions from a qualitative perspective. Findings showed that the internal armed conflict was the main
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driving force to express the individual’s emotions and judgments. Significant events triggering a wide range of emotions were identified. Two units of meaning emerged: patriotism under siege, to account for people’s love for the nation regardless of their affliction; and fear, the predominant emotion, to explain public distress caused by this intractable conflict. Being aware of the public’s emotional condition questions whether it is worth considering the paradigm of objectivity as an ethical ideal in the journalistic field. It also encourages reporting conflicts through the perspective of peace journalism, emphasizing possible solutions. Since Colombia is currently moving to a post-conflict phase, this could help to heal the social issue." (Abstract)
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"This chapter aims to introduce the concept of an information intervention as an example of humanitarian action. Typically associated negatively with government efforts to incite conflict and tension, two case studies are explored-Haiti and Syria-to better understand how state-led information interv
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entions can contribute to the restoration of normalcy (Haiti) and the development of community-led civil society (Syria). Of course, both Haiti and Syria remain in flux, making it difficult to draw firm conclusions on the efficacy of these efforts. That said, in both cases, there is evidence of effectiveness. Reports from Haiti indicate that the information intervention provided a crucial backbone for additional humanitarian relief, without which Haitians would have faced far worse devastation. In Syria, the emergence of a robust civil society sector, despite the fact that nearly half of Syrians are now internally or externally displaced, speaks to the capacity for open communications mediums and technologies to facilitate productive storytelling and information sharing." (Conclusion)
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"This Handbook is primarily for use by media professionals who report from conflict zones. It is a practical and accessible guide to the rules of international humanitarian law (IHL) that protect media professionals and their work in armed conflict. It also considers the IHL responsibilities that me
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dia professionals (and their publishers and broadcasters) have when reporting on and from armed conflict, including their potential liability under international criminal law as individuals for violations of these rules. The Handbook is supplemented by a lighter and smaller ‘Field Guide’ that is designed to be used in conflict zones as a quick and easy reference to the relevant rules of IHL." (Page iv)
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"Targeted towards journalists and media professionals, this handbook is designed to provide key information and encourage reflection on the way that terrorism is covered in the media. Based upon advice from leading institutions and experts, and filled with examples, it explores the professional chal
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lenges and ethical dilemmas inherent in terrorism reporting, and poses fundamental questions about what the impact of current treatment may be on social cohesion and the prevalence of fear in society. Topics covered: journalistic “framing” of terrorism; the balance between freedom, security and responsibility; ethical issues; the challenges of fear, hate and generalisation; handling figures, images and words; coverage of attacks and hostage situations; management of social media; relations with victims, authorities and terrorists; security of journalists." (Back cover)
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"This MeCoDEM working paper presents an overview of the main findings from a quantitative content analysis covering different types of democratisation conflicts (i.e., conflicts over citizenship, elections, transitional justice and distribution of power) in four countries: Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and S
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outh Africa. The sample involves 5162 newspaper articles and news stories in the four countries selected on the basis of two main criteria: the degree of independence of media outlets from government and political parties, and their relevance. The key findings from the content analysis are organised around several themes: causes of democratisation conflicts, portrayal of conflict parties, preferred solutions to conflicts, perceptions of democracy, role of the media, authoritarian past, and tone of reporting and polarisation. Although this paper focuses principally on description, we also speculate about the main factors that shape similarities and differences in media coverage of democratisation conflicts. The main finding from the content analysis is that cross-national variations that we found in media reporting of democratisation conflicts appear to depend on several factors." (Executive summary)
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"This paper explores the role of digital and traditional media in shaping formal and informal leaders’ interactions with their own constituencies and a broader audience, by both advancing their messages and narratives and manoeuvring to steer a specific political agenda. It specifically considers
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the role of power, leadership and strategic communications in both exacerbating and mitigating violent conflict in emerging democracies. By weaving together strands of the political science scholarship on political communication and political settlement, while engaging with concepts of hybrid governance and leadership, we attempt to knit a framework that challenges normative assumptions on institutional communicative practices. By bringing together these disparate strands of scholarship that are rarely in dialogue, we question a characterisation that often contrasts vertical mainstream media with more horizontal and inclusive social media, arguing that a more nuanced view of the political significance of both spaces of communication is required, and one that highlights their interplay and blurs the boundaries between online and offline, and in doing so refocuses on the notion of power, placing it at the centre of analysis, to examine how entrenched relations of patronage can be let unscathed, transformed or even reinforced by networked forms of communication." (Executive summary)
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"In Zeiten kriegerischer Konflikte spielt das Radio insbesondere in abgelegenen Regionen eine oft wichtige Rolle - sowohl bei gewaltsamen Auseinandersetzungen als auch angesichts autoritärer Herrschaft. Aber auch die Arbeit mit dem Medium Radio in friedensfördernder Absicht hat ihre Fallstricke. D
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ie Fondation Hirondelle unterstützt seit 1995 in dieser Absicht zahlreiche Radioprogramme sowie Sender in 15 Ländern. Sie beruft sich auf Artikel 19 der Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte - auf das Recht auf freie Meinungsäußerung und das Informationsrecht. Wir sprachen mit Jean-Marie Etter, dem Gründer, über die Aufgaben und Risiken eines Radiosenders inmitten kriegerischer Atmosphäre." (Einleitung)
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"Going to the cinema means going on a journey” reads one of the banners in Ouagadougou that have been put up to promote the legendary pan-African FESPACO film festival. Afrika Film Festival Köln has also been taking its guests on audiovisual journeys through African cinescapes for 25 years. More
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than 750 films from 45 African countries have been shown in Cologne since the first festival in 1992. They have showcased some hugely diverse and multi-faceted filmmaking talents from Africa and the global African diaspora [...] In addition to showing films relating to this year’s theme of “Land Grabbing and Migration”, one of the first ideas we came up with regarding the make-up of the festival programme was to present a retrospective with the highlights from the last 25 years. But this was soon scrapped due to the huge number of exciting new films that were submitted to FilmInitiativ in 2017 and the many discoveries at major festivals, such as those in Tunis, Ouagadougou and Durban. FilmInitiativ was ultimately again spoilt for choice, with more than 400 new features, documentaries and short films. We therefore decided to keep the focus on contemporary African cinema for the anniversary festival, and to complement the films with a small selection of classics." (Introduction)
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"Social media and digital technology offer immense potential for citizens, policymakers and practitioners to raise awareness of, monitor, and respond to violence. With Kenya’s elections approaching, technology can help to raise awareness of insecurity, support early warning, combat incitement of v
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iolence and promote accountability. However, digital technology also carries a number of risks. To maximise effectiveness and inclusivity, 1) greater support must be given to locally legitimate peace messaging and counter-speech; 2) government, media and civil society should collaborate to improve transparency and accountability in the regulation of online activity; and 3) social media monitoring of violence should be undertaken in conjunction with other reporting systems that seek to overcome inequalities in digital access and use." (Abstract)
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"This report takes a look at a selection of the innovative, successful ways media companies, individual journalists and civil society organizations are coming together to improve journalist safety. These are cases of people taking the initiative, of acting on behalf of the profession, of not sitting
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back as disempowered victims. The report is not an overview of all the work that is being done in this domain. It is not full of statistics and data. It is, instead, a collection of stories, told in the words of the motivated people who are dedicated to protecting courageous journalists with pro-active measures to make them safer." (Introduction, page 9)
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"This report identifies eight basic types of harassment present in Hungary: rhetorical aggression; trolling; bullying; threats; public shaming; violation of personal privacy; cyber attacks and site hacking; and malicious social media activity. The study found that the most common types of online har
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assment are trolling and rhetorical aggression, which are experienced by Hungarian online journalists on a daily basis through both public and private channels. Overall, comments made through private channels are more severe. Facebook comments are generally the least aggressive in nature, followed by comment sections under individual articles. Abusive messages sent via private channels (email, Facebook messages) are the most aggressive and straightforward. Many journalists agreed that the most disturbing element of online harassment is not necessarily the harshness or explicit nature of comments but the frequency and overwhelming persistence of them." (Executive summary)
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"The central objective of this volume has been to show that legislation against hate speech in the EU may be an effective first step towards combatting the phenomenon, but it might not be adequate on its own to contain the present situation. This is because hate speech has multiple ways of being exp
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ressed. In this volume, we have identified several strategies of Othering that can be used to express such an unfavourable position towards members of a minority: categorisation and stereotyping, hate concealed as patriotism, metaphorical language, sarcasm, allusions and constructed dialogue can all be ‘subtle’ ways in which discrimination emerges in public discourse. And while we are not in a position, as linguists, to suggest that such strategies belong to the category of prosecutable hate speech, we think that it is safe to assume that they do form part of what we have dubbed soft hate speech." (Concluding remarks, page 87)
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