"Urge poner por delante el respeto a la vida, a la integridad física, mental, emocional y a la dignidad de los periodistas de medios privados y comunitarios. Pero este principio no se cumple en una región flagelada por el narcotráfico, las pandillas y la corrupción. Informar y opinar hacen parti
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cularmente vulnerables a los periodistas en zonas alejadas de las grandes ciudades, donde el Estado no está presente. Son los periodistas y medios locales más pequeños y departamentales, quienes muchas veces trabajan sin ningún tipo de blindaje. Se enfrentan a intimidaciones y amenazas por parte de alcaldes, policías municipales y vecinos con negocios oscuros, sin tener protección alguna y sin poner en práctica siquiera las medidas más mínimas de seguridad a su alcance, aun teniendo consciencia de ellas. ¿Cómo asistirles? ¿Cómo convencer no solamente a los periodistas, sino también a sus medios de comunicación de que urge un esfuerzo para proteger la vida de sus colaboradores, y con ello preservar la libertad de expresión? Una respuesta a estas preguntas surgió entre la DW Akademie, la Fundación por la Libertad de Prensa (FLIP), de Colombia y el Centro Civitas, de Guatemala. En un “Diálogo de Medios” en Antigua Guatemala, del 26 al 28 de noviembre de 2018, se construyó un protocolo modelo de seguridad para periodistas de medios locales y comunitarios que pretende hacer consciencia acerca de la necesidad de prevenir y protegerse. No es un modelo abstracto, sino que parte de las experiencias cotidianas de 12 periodistas con poder de decisión en sus medios. Participaron comunicadores de México, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua y Guatemala." (Introducción)
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"[This chapter] primarily devotes analytical attention to mainstream news media's ability, or rather lack of ability, to report violations against international public law in the context of war and conflict reporting, and their continuing vulnerability to propaganda and manipulation. In the introduc
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tion, the authors suggest a definition of "sustainable war journalism" which, among other things, involves "media's ability to provide citizens with reliable, objective news from multiple sources," as well as to "promote free speech and access to public information within a context of changing legal and social norms." Different forms of shortcomings in war journalism are discussed in relation to several military conflicts, stretching from the Gulf War (1990-91) to the Libyan War (2013) and the ongoing Syrian War. They emphasize the importance of integrating and addressing international public law in journalism education programs around the world. Only this can engender a sustainable journalism and prevent it making the same errors again and again." (Page xxxi)
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"What are the stakes of cultural production in a time of war? How is artistic expression prone to manipulation by the state and international humanitarian organizations? In the charged political terrain of post-genocide Rwanda, post-civil war Uganda, and recent violence in the Democratic Republic of
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Congo, Laura Edmondson explores performance through the lens of empire. Instead of celebrating theatre productions as expression of cultural agency and resilience, Edmondson traces their humanitarian imperatives to a place where global narratives of violence take precedence over local traditions and audiences. Working at the intersection of performance and trauma, Edmondson reveals how artists and cultural workers manipulate narratives in the shadow of empire and how empire, in turn, infiltrates creative capacities." (Publisher description)
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"This article presents insights on a participatory theatre initiative implemented in Kenya, with the aim of understanding the changes that were initiated towards the re-establishment of peace between communities. The project was carried out in the aftermath of the post-election violence that took pl
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ace in the country between 2007 and 2008. Amani People’s Theatre organised a number of theatre-based activities adopting a participatory approach, which ensured the involvement of community members from different tribes. Participants used the plays to re-enact the events, experienced during the conflict and the issues that still affected their communities as a result of those events, and worked together on finding solutions. The article begins with a literature review on Theatre for Development and its progress towards a more participatory approach. This is followed by an introduction of the project and the context in which it took place. The study design and Theory of Change developed for the analysis are then presented, opening the path to a discussion of the findings generated through that framework. Lastly, final reflections bring to light a number of issues that must be considered when working with participatory theatre in peace interventions." (Abstract)
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"Why has the Taliban been so much more effective in presenting messages that resonate with the Afghan population than the United States, the Afghan Government and their allies? This book, based on years of field research and the assessment of hundreds of original source materials, examines the infor
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mation operations and related narratives of Afghan insurgents, especially the Afghan Taliban, and investigates how the Taliban has won the information war. Taliban messaging, wrapped in the narrative of jihad, is both to the point and in tune with the target audiences it wishes to influence. On the other hand, the United States and its Kabul allies committed a basic messaging blunder, failing to present narratives that spoke to or, often, were even understood by their target audiences. Thomas Johnson systematically explains why the United States lost this "battle of the story" in Afghanistan, and argues that this defeat may have lost the U.S. the entire war, despite its conventional and technological superiority." (Publisher description)
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"In recent years, more and more social media (Facebook) groups have been created dealing with memories of the Holocaust in Hungary. In this article, I analyze and compare two groups, “The Holocaust and My Family” and “The Descendants of the Victims and Survivors of the Holocaust” in the fram
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ework of my research project on the concept of digital trauma processing, entitled “Trauma Studies in the Digital Age: The Impact of Social Media on Trauma Processing in Life Narratives and Trauma Literature: the Case of Hungary.” I show how the concept of trauma and trauma processing itself are changing in the digital age as a consequence of the element of sharing (in posts and comments in digital media) gains more importance and thus counteracts the element of silence, which was considered the most important element of trauma on several levels. How does digital sharing of memories of traumas help unblock previously blocked avenues to the past, and how does it contribute to the processing of collective historical traumas and consequently to the mobilization of memories, modernization, and the transformation of identities? I examine how the given characteristics of the different types of Facebook groups, public or closed, influence the ways in which people communicate about a collective historical trauma. I touch upon the issue of research ethics in connection with the handling of sensitive data in social media research. I examine the book The Holocaust and My Family, a collection of posts from the group, and analyze as a case study a post and the related comments, in which a descendant of a perpetrator comes out in the group." (Abstract)
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"La publicación “Memorias: 12 historias que nos deja la guerra” es una apuesta y un acercamiento a los diversos acontecimientos que se entretejen en las regiones colombianas, a las memorias que víctimas, excombatientes, comunidades indígenas, afrodescendientes, líderes sociales y el país en
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general, tienen del conficto en el país. Este ejercicio de reconstrucción de memoria es preciso para que no se pierda la historia de pueblos, regiones y comunidades, y para que sus habitantes reconozcan la necesidad de saber y recordar. Hoy en día se transita o habita lugares que tiempo atrás fueron escenario de disputa por el poder o donde se cometieron actos violentos, sucesos en su mayoría desconocidos por la sociedad e ignorados incluso por sus pobladores. De aquí la pertinencia de esta gran crónica de Colombia construida por varios autores, en diversos contextos y con diferentes protagonistas. Son relatos que nos llevan en un recorrido por diferentes aspectos, posiciones y miradas de la guerra; son narraciones minuciosas construidas con rigurosidad y que son eco de muchas voces heridas por un largo conficto armado. Desde territorios donde tuvieron lugar combates entre paramilitares y el Ejército, o regiones donde habitan comunidades indígenas hostigadas por grupos armados y capacitadas para usar las armas, incluso grandes extensiones de tierra que fueron cuna del polvo mágico de la coca, hasta relatos de reclutamiento forzado, desplazamiento y crímenes contra líderes sociales, son algunos de los hechos que miles de colombianos llevan latente en sus memorias y que decidieron compartir para que esta publicación fuese posible." (Página 7-8)
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"Democracies with sharp violence and public insecurity have proliferated in recent decades, with many also featuring extreme economic inequality. These conditions have not been explicitly considered in comparative research on journalists’ work environments, an omission that may obscure important r
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ealities of contemporary journalism. We address this gap through analysis of journalist surveys in 62 countries. We confirm the existence of insecure democracies as an empirical phenomenon and begin to unravel their meaning for journalists. We find democracies with uneven democratic performance tend to have more journalist assassinations, which is the most extreme form of influence on work, and that levels of democratic performance, violence, public insecurity and economic inequality significantly shape how journalists perceive various influences in their work environment. Case studies of insecure democracies in Africa and Latin America address why these conditions sometimes (but not always) lead to journalist assassinations and other anti-press violence. They suggest anti-press violence is higher when sub-national state actors intensify criminal violence and when insecurity is geographically and topically proximate to journalists. How journalists’ perceive influences on work are therefore more complex and multidimensional than previous research has suggested. The study concludes by identifying areas for improvement in data collection." (Abstract)
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"Using aggregate-level data, this study compares instances of intrastate political conflict that occurred in both nonviolent and violent forms. Specifically, analyses presented in this study examine the relationships that exist between diffusion rates of emerging media and enhanced press freedoms in
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countries that experienced differing types of conflicts from 1990 through 2006. Through a series of analytic models, the results observed here indicate that higher levels of emerging media and press freedoms are better predictors of nonviolent—as opposed to violent—conflict. Findings from this study thus bridge an important gap in the literature between communication and political science research in establishing linkages between emerging media technologies and press freedoms and their interconnections with nonviolent and violent political conflict. Implications for related interdisciplinary fields are discussed." (Abstract)
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"Adama Dieng and Simona Cruciani articulate how hate speech is defined, and draw out its possible consequences. Dieng makes the distinction between hate speech and incitement. Incitement is a very dangerous form of hate speech that can trigger violence and, in some instances, atrocity crimes and eve
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n genocide. He makes a distinction between a person standing on a street corner who may say vile, racist things, but such invective will not have the same impact as the words spoken by a national leader who calls for violence against a particular group at a time when political tensions are high. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) states that, "Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law."' Hate speech and its uses to incite hostility and violence is escalating in many parts of the world, increasingly spread over social media. Dieng and Cruciami discuss the many initiatives within the United Nations system aimed at countering hate speech and incitement, underscoring how seriously the organization takes this form of expression." (Introduction to part 1, page 11)
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"The Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the Rwandan genocide and the Darfur conflict served as catalysts for debates which significantly changed the character and institutional frameworks of international politics and international law after the end of the Cold War. Humanitarian emergencies and grave human r
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ights violations came to range among the most powerful arguments to justify military interventions abroad. In the course of these debates international norms and principles as those of sovereignty and the prohibition of the use of force were renegotiated. This volume situates the history of post-Cold War humanitarian intervention within the larger history of the twentieth century by looking at political and cultural shifts that preceded the end of the bipolar world order. At the same time, it seeks to elucidate the specificities of interventionism during the 1990s - a moment when, for the first time, military interventions were being justified on the basis of the protection of human rights. The authors examine the role of a wide range of actors like governments, intergovernmental and non-governmental actors like NGOs, the media, and public intellectuals." (Publisher description)
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"The author bases her analysis on five years of fieldwork in the conflict zones of Mindanao, the Philippines, where child protection is of critical importance. She works with the Nonviolent Peaceforce, which specializes in Unarmed Civilian Protection in close cooperation with the United Nations and
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UNICEF to report and respond to Child Protection issues in Mindanao and the surrounding islands. In the field, she sought to implement the humanitarian principles of neutrality and impartiality among the parties to the various conflicts. She established an active presence, and gained access to remote conflict-affected areas. Such work seeks to document and ultimately protect children, civilians and internally displaced persons (IDPs) who are suffering as a result of the armed conflicts. This chapter offers a close examination of UNICEF's communication and media strategies, as well as behind-the-scenes advocacy and in-person contact under difficult physical conditions and terrain." (Introduction to part 6, page 306)
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"This chapter investigates safety challenges journalists face when reporting on democratization conflicts and their impact on journalistic work. It builds on a comparative case study within the EU-funded project “Media, Conflict and Democratisation” (MeCoDEM), which explores journalistic work pr
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actices, ethics, roles, and working conditions across a set of democratization conflicts through interviews with journalists from Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa. Findings show that journalists experience safety threats at personal and organizational levels ranging from insults, intimidation and phone tapping to physical attacks, legal proceedings, and imprisonment. Journalists describe limitations to the professionalization of the working environment, which is perceived as providing neither sufficient training on safety measures nor proper safety equipment. Also highlighted is the psychological safety of journalists experiencing trauma from witnessing violence. The reported safety challenges greatly affect journalistic practices, roles and ethics. Based on these findings, the chapter outlines possible measures to increase the safety of journalists reporting on democratization conflicts." (Abstract)
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"1) This paper provides a conceptual framework for counting and categorising peacebuilding activities as well as a hard working-definition of the actions that count as peacebuilding. One of the primary inhibiting factors for assessing peacebuilding cost-effectiveness has been the lack of commonly ag
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reed definitions and confusion about what activities constitute peacebuilding. Without this, it is simply not possible to measure and compare the cost-effectiveness of peacebuilding activities. 2) A comprehensive accounting of global peacebuilding expenditures from 2002 to 2013, using the working definition that was developed in partnership with the UN Peacebuilding Support Office (PBSO) and Peacebuilding Support Group. This is the first known attempt at comprehensively accounting for peacebuilding activities — without this data it is not possible to empirically assess different peacebuilding strategies and assess the cost-effectiveness of them or individual peacebuilding actions. This data shows that peacebuilding activities are unevenly distributed geographically and thematically and are prioritised to differing extents by international donors. 3) A detailed case study of peacebuilding expenditures is presented to analyse an example of peacebuilding success — Rwanda from the wake of genocide to 2014. This analysis shows US$18.35 billion was committed to peacebuilding expenditures in Rwanda from 1995 to 2014. That means peacebuilding commitments in Rwanda from the international community were at least $27 per capita each year for the past 15 years. This demonstrates that the assistance associated with peacebuilding is not exhausted in the five or even ten years following a conflict, meaning that the success of peacebuilding cannot be judged on whether there has been a relapse into a conflict after such a short period of time has elapsed. If some moderate level of peacebuilding expenditure indeed leads to a reduction in violence, and if Rwanda is illustrative of the levels of peacebuilding required to reduce violent conflict, then the current levels of global peacebuilding expenditure are insufficient to build global peace. 4) A global model of the cost-effectiveness of peacebuilding, based on the case study findings and the data generated from them. Using 20 years of peacebuilding expenditure, Rwanda’s experience as a baseline, and combining this with IEP’s research on the global cost of conflict, the paper presents scenario analysis and a model of peacebuilding cost-effectiveness. It finds that using conservative assumptions, the cost-effectiveness ratio of peacebuilding is 1:16, showing that increased funding for peacebuilding would be hugely beneficial not only to peacebuilding outcomes but in terms of the potential economic returns to the global economy. This means that if countries currently in conflict increased or received levels of peacebuilding funding to appropriate levels estimated by this model, then for every dollar invested now, the cost of conflict would be reduced by $16 over the long run. Projected forward ten years from 2016 this would save US$2.94 trillion in direct and indirect losses from conflict. However, achieving this outcome would require an approximate doubling of peacebuilding toward the 31 most fragile and conflict affected nations of the world. Of course, this does not preclude other important factors for peacebuilding success such as the external influence of other states or the role of political elites, but rather establishes a working framework for resources required for programmatic peacebuilding activities. 5) In order to take this research forward, this paper also provides detailed approaches for a future research agenda to look deeper into the ultimate aim of assessing the cost-effectiveness of particular peacebuilding interventions. Through drawing upon existing impact evaluations on peacebuilding interventions in Liberia, it demonstrates a basic approach to how the cost-effectiveness of specific peacebuilding interventions could be compared within a specific context. However, this approach demonstrates the long-term needs for a fully-fledged research agenda in this area. Impact evaluations are resource intensive and require a very significant upscaling of research. Currently, it is estimated that there are only 61 impact evaluations globally on programmes with peacebuilding outcomes. In other domains such as health or education there are hundreds and thousands of such impact evaluations, which highlights the clear need for more impact evaluations in peacebuilding." (Executive summary)
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"The research documents how, despite immense ongoing challenges, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Nepal and Pakistan, some important advances have been made to develop joint structures and innovative approaches to defend the practice of journalism. It examines the long road Colombia has followed in the establi
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shment of its protection programme, and looks at what organisations and bodies working on the ground in Indonesia and the Philippines struggle against, and what they have achieved using the resources available to them." (Back cover)
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