"This joint study on the prevention of violent conflict—a first in the history of our institutions—was initiated in 2016 and conducted by a team of staff members from the United Nations and the World Bank Group, in a spirit of fostering closer collaboration to deliver at the country level. It re
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flects a process of research and intense global consultation aimed at providing ideas on how development approaches can better interact with other tools to prevent violent conflict. This study, principally based on academic research, benefited immensely from consultations with a variety of actors including governments. It is therefore our hope that some of the findings will usefully inform global policy making." (Foreword, page xii)
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"La publication de ce "Manuel de protection des journalistes" rentre justement dans le cadre des actions que mène JED pour la sécurisation des journalistes et autres professionnels des médias dans leur travail. Cette sécurisation, nous essayons de la promouvoir par la sensibilisation, et par des
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sessions de formation à l'intention des professionnels des médias. Mais JED n'a, ni les moyens, ni le pouvoir d'assurer la sécurité physique des journalistes, qui est de la seule responsabilité de l'autorité publique. L'initiative de ce petit "Manuel de protection des journalistes" fait suite au constat malheureux de la multiplication des attaques et des agressions des journalistes que nous enregistrons souvent pendant les périodes de campagnes électorales. Beaucoup de journalistes et correspondants de la presse nationale ou internationale sont souvent pris pour cibles lors des manifestations politiques, et leurs matériels de travail détruits. Plus particulièrement, lors des manifestations politiques qui ont tendance à dégénérer ou à déraper, les journalistes se retrouvent assez souvent victimes de ces débordements, alors qu'ils sont appelés, malgré les risques, à faire leur travail aussi sur terrain. Les médias audiovisuels sont le plus souvent touchés, car leurs équipes de reportage sont obligées d'être sur le terrain, et parfois dans le feu de l'action pour couvrir les événements. Voilà pourquoi JED a jugé utile, pour réduire un tant soit peu les risques qu'encourent les professionnels des médias, de les sensibiliser sur " Ce qu'il faut faire " et " Ce qu'il ne faut pas faire " pour ne pas s'exposer outre mesure. Tout en gardant en conscience que le risque zéro du métier d'informer n'existe pas, les mesures de précautions proposées dans ce Manuel ne sont qu'indicatives, et ne sauraient être exhaustives, tant il vrai que chacun en fonction de sa situation particulière ou de ses moyens de défense, peut adopter les attitudes et les comportements qu'il juge lui- même salutaires pour sa sécurité et celle de son entourage." (Page 4)
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"Pretty Liar" explores the rise of language and gender politics on Lebanese television to tell the untold story of the co-evolution of Lebanese television and its audiences and how the civil war of 1975-1991 affected that co-evolution. The shift in public interest in television has been widely ackno
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wledged and interpreted within an institutional context as a victory of the neo-liberal entrepreneurship of a new, agile brand over the government inefficiency of Lebanon's national station, Télé Liban. Yet, the role of the Lebanese Civil War in reshaping national television and broadcasting in Arab media following the emergence of the Lebanese Broadcasting Company in 1985 has been unexplored. Based on empirical data and grounded in theory by Arab and global researchers, "Pretty Liar" offers textual analyses of five Lebanese fictional series, three major and several additional periodicals, and nine literary works, and provides context from unscripted interviews with television administrators, anchors, actors, and freelance contributors, print journalists, and audience members. Khazaal seeks to offer new insight into how entertainment television became a site for politics and political resistance, feminism, and the cradle for post-war Lebanon due to the shift in practices and standards of legitimacy." (Publisher description)
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"This article examines some of the cultural differences between news ‘fixers’ and foreign reporters, focusing specifically on the expectations and experiences of the fixers, rather than the correspondents whose own perspectives have already been fruitfully explored. Drawing upon qualitative, sem
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i-structured interviews I conducted with 21 news fixers, I will answer three research questions: (1) How do fixers understand and value the work they do? (2) How do fixers view the cultural, ethnic, or racial differences that inevitably play into the professional relationships between local news staff and foreign news outlets? (3) How do these cultural differences impact the safety of foreign correspondents and fixers, most especially at sites of conflict? The study ultimately shows that fixers take issue with foreign journalists’ lack of background on the countries they visit and with journalists’ lack of attention to disparate cultural mores in the newsgathering process. Furthermore, the inattention to cultural difference in the field can endanger the lives of the foreign reporters as well as the lives of the fixers." (Abstract)
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"This teaching guide aims to assist those who intend to learn conflict-sensitive journalism (CSJ) and those who want to instruct others in the principles, techniques, and strategies of the craft. It is not a course but a collection of lessons to be integrated in existing curricula for communication
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and journalism. It is a toolkit more than a textbook. Each contains several lessons, with activities of varying difficulty levels that focus on different aspects of CSJ. There is no order to be strictly followed, but this guide is structured towards a particular logic that flows from principles to practice." (Page 10)
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"This publication presents the comparative overview of the legal framework and practices related to ‘hate speech’ in six Member States of the European Union (EU): Austria, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland and the United Kingdom. The publication is based on six individual country reports commissio
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ned by ARTICLE 19 in 2017. The six country reports identified widespread deficiencies in the respective national frameworks on ‘hate speech’ in terms of their compatibility with applicable international freedom of expression standards, as well as inconsistencies in the application of existing legislation. In ARTICLE 19’s view, these deficiencies render the legal framework open to political abuse, including against precisely those minority groups that the law should protect. Moreover, the respective national frameworks generally fail to provide effective remedies to victims of ‘hate speech’, and are insufficient to enable instances of intercommunal tensions to be effectively resolved, or to enable poor social cohesion to be addressed." (Executive summary)
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"The relationship between the media and security agencies, including those in the law enforcement and intelligence services, has always been a delicate one. In the West African context, this relationship is often characterized by frequent clashes, arising from a somewhat startling inability of eithe
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r side to fully appreciate the role of the other in society, particularly in democratic governance. This report pulls together experiences and reflections from Liberia, Ghana and Sierra Leone, distilling lessons learnt and best practices in this regard and outlining a framework to inform future initiatives by a variety of stakeholders." (www.mediasupport.org)
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"This guide will support you in creating exciting and impactful content for the airwaves and community outreach activities around gun violence and community safety. Children’s Radio Foundation has partnered with Gun Free South Africa (GFSA) to build the capacity of youth to influence and shape beh
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aviour and attitudes towards gun violence and community safety. They also aim to influence relevant policies, legislation and programming to reduce gun violence through innovative community-based interventions. GFSA is a national non-governmental organisation (NGO) committed to reducing gun violence in South Africa with more than two decades of experience in public policy advocacy, public education, awareness raising and community mobilisation. We have compiled this guide based on our experience and learning in our youth radio projects across South Africa and the African continent. Young people, trained as youth reporters, record the stories and experiences of their peers and their communities and create radio programmes and public events so that we all can learn, connect and make better choices for ourselves. The youth reporters use a guide that helps them understand the topic, choose a focus, research and build a radio show and community outreach." (Introduction)
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"Ist unabhängiges Dokumentarfilmschaffen im Kaschmirkonflikt möglich? Über den Fokus auf Mobilität zeigt Max Kramer neue theoretische und methodische Zugänge zur Erforschung von filmischen Praktiken in Konfliktregionen auf. Er argumentiert, dass die Herstellung von Zeugenschaft zunehmend auf ve
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rschiedene Momente von Mobilität bezogen ist. Die vorgeschlagene Forschungsperspektive nimmt nicht nur auf die umkämpften Repräsentationen und Narrationen von Konfliktregionen Bezug, sondern ebenso auf affektive und ästhetische Momente dokumentarfilmischer Praktiken." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"El manual fue creado por IWPR en base a las experiencias y recomendaciones de periodistas trabajando en Cuba, con la participación de expertos y varias organizaciones internacionales comprometidas con la libertad de expresión y la protección de periodistas. El producto final es único en su tipo
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ya que por primera vez, integra información sobre seguridad física, psicológica, digital y legal de acuerdo a las necesidades y el contexto cubano. El objetivo del manual es fortalecer las capacidades de prevención, autoprotección y seguridad para ejercer cualquier actividad informativa en la Isla. Los diferentes apartados de este manual responden, de manera secuencial, a distintas necesidades que las y los periodistas tienen antes, durante y después de realizar su trabajo." (https://iwpr.net)
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"Over the past decade, radicalisation to violent extremism (VE) has become a matter of pressing public and political concern in Central Asia. Between 2000 and 5000 Central Asians responded to calls to join jihad in Syria and Afghanistan, most of them radicalised while foreign workers in the labour c
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amps of Russia’s cities. While rates are low by global standards, the phenomenon has nonetheless spurred the governments of the region to respond. The legal response taken up by Central Asian countries borrows heavily from Russia’s anti-terrorism measures. Laws are unclear and overbroad in their definitions of extremism, leading to legal uncertainty and repressive application. They set out legal penalties for those creating or disseminating VE and mandate restrictions on the dissemination of VE material, including online. A lack of clarity about what is and is not extremism has resulted in uneven and harsh application of these laws, with lengthy prison sentences for those convicted of no more than liking an extremist Facebook post [...] This report is written in three parts: Part A sets out legislative definitions of extremism and extremist content in Central Asian states, and outlines how they have been applied through criminal prosecution. Part B gives the results of analysis of VE content on Central Asian open social media, blogs and online forums from late 2018, detailing the actors, their use of social media, and the narratives they promulgate; and, Part C examines how content blocking, education and engagement have been used to counter VE content online, and assesses their success." (Executive summary)
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"From the analysis of one week of conflict coverage in May 2018, this study found that the media relies on a limited number of sources to cover conflicts. Stories are often reported with a single or no sources and elite sources are preferred over people who have experienced the conflict and its cons
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equences. Furthermore, limited access to information forces private-owned media to rely on information brought by government-owned or military-owned media, which increases the risk of circular reporting and spreading of mis- and disinformation. Limited access to information also impacts news selection as journalists in Myanmar are often restricted from entering conflict areas (or do not have the necessary safety training nor equipment) to report from the field. Although the media is able to cover conflicts from a human-interest point of view, this choice of framing is not consistent. There is a big difference in how the conflict in Rakhine is being covered compared to other conflicts. Particularly the coverage of the Rohingya Muslims is inadequate and unsettling. The Rohingya appear to be a non-priority for the media, and the presentation of the minority group is marked by prejudices." (Conclusions, page 18)
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"Social media is used by al-Shabaab, Boko Haram and ISIL in Africa. The importance of cross-media communications to the strategies of all three groups is underlined by the existence of dedicated branches for media planning, namely al-Shabaab’s al-Kata’ib, Boko Haram’s Media Office of West Afri
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ca Province and ISIL’s Al Hayat Media Center. In part driven by growing Internet access in Africa and on-going technological advancement, it is clear that the use of social media by all three groups has increased in recent years – although this inevitably varies by geographical area depending on the level of ICT penetration. There appears to be a spectrum of sophistication across the three groups in relation to their social media strategies: ISIL’s strategy is more advanced than those of its two counterparts, which may be linked to its more far-reaching and international support base. While still less sophisticated overall than those of ISIL and al-Shabaab, Boko Haram’s social media strategy has become more professionalised since its declaration of allegiance to ISIL in 2015, whether due to the direct or indirect influence of ISIL’s concerted online activities." (Summary of key findings, page 65-66)
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"Best practices for agencies to counter misinformation, rumors and false information are detailed and categorized in this white paper, and challenges and additional considerations are presented for review. This report illustrates methods of countering false information on social media with case stud
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ies: The 2014 South Napa earthquake: Tweets were filtered by geolocation to eliminate posts from trolls; The 2016 Louisiana floods: The Red Cross published and shared a blog to counter rumors and misinformation about food distribution and shelter policies; The 2017 Oroville Dam evacuation: An accidentally misleading tweet suggested the evacuation area included all of Sacramento County. Local agencies used traditional and social media to provide correct information. Examples of best practices include: Establishing partnerships with local traditional media outlets before disasters, so means exist to disseminate accurate information; Using the Joint Information System to coordinate public information efforts of multiple jurisdictions and agencies; and Setting up a central website to debunk bad information." (Executive summary)
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"This study reveals that news briefs are the most commonly found type of pieces published in the emerging Syrian media sector. Together, news briefs, news reports and feature stories constitute 90 percent of what was published during the monitoring period. Investigative reports were very rare. News
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briefs were not only the most common in news agencies and electronic newspapers but also in a large number of online and print magazines. Military and field developments as well as political issues were the most frequent topics that the Syrian media covered. Services and infrastructure, social, and rights-related topics had limited coverage in the Syrian media during the monitoring period. The issue of refugees also had limited coverage in the articles and reports published by the Syrian media during the monitoring period. One of the main structural weaknesses in Syrian media outlets is the very low number of sources that are citied in news briefs, news reports and feature stories – the overall average number of sources was less than one per article." (Findings and recommendations, page 43)
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"This ethnography uses the Syrian case to reflect more broadly on how the networked age reshapes contemporary warfare and impacts on the enactment of violence through images and on images. In stark contrast to the techno-utopias celebrating digital democracy and participatory cultures, Donatella Del
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la Ratta’s analysis exposes the dark side of online practices, where visual regimes of representation and media production dramatically intertwine with modes of destruction and the performance of violence." (Publisher description)
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