"This report describes and analyses how online propaganda against journalists across the world - through hate, harassment, threats and fabricated news – undermines independent reporting, sows doubt among the public and makes journalists, in particular female journalists, open for online attacks an
...
d physical abuse to the detriment of freedom of expression and open, democratic societies. To stem the tidal wave of mostly anonymous online propaganda against journalists, in particularly female journalists across the world who are exposed to unacceptable amounts of online sexual abuse, Fojo Media Institute, the publisher of this report, plans to set up #journodefender, a global hub to monitor, investigate and take action against the-ends-justifies-the-means trolling with particular focus on assisting journalism in countries that are particularly badly affected." (Prologue)
more
"Images of suffering children have long been used to illustrate the violence and horror of conflict. In recent years, it is images of dead children that have garnered attention from media audiences around the world. In response to the deaths of four children killed by the Israeli army while playing
...
on a Gazan beach, Israeli Prime Minister Netenyahu accused Hamas of generating “telegenically dead” Palestinian children for their cause (CNN 2014). In this article, it argues with this term to consider the appearance of images of dead children in global politics. I draw on a growing literature relating to the corpse as a subject in international relations (IR), asking how children's bodies are understood, following Butler, as “grievable lives.” It explores the notion of “iconic” images and the politics of sharing images of dead bodies and consider global power relations that allow certain children's deaths to be visible and not others. Through this analysis, the article argues that the idea of telegenic death might be productively considered to understand how the fleshy reality of children's deaths contribute to discussions about the representation and visibility of children in contexts of crisis and conflict." (Abstract)
more
"This study presents a snapshot of the framing used in reporting on Syria. To ensure a diverse representation, the sample includes a selection of domestic (Syrian) and pan-Arab media organisations, whose alleged preferences towards the dominant parties in the Syrian conflict are mixed. The findings
...
of the research show that many partisan media demonstrate significant polarising in their reporting. These media present biased, graphic and emotive images to their audiences. The black and white portrayal by these media dehumanises groups of people and has the potential to exacerbate tensions in Syria even further. Independent outlets are noticeable for their neutrality in reporting. Also, these media outlets diverge in their use of framing: rather than acting as a mouthpiece for a political actor, they follow their individual organisation’s editorial line." (Executive summary, page 3)
more
"In international conflict correspondence safety mechanisms are unequally employed to protect local news-staffs in contrast to international staffs. Arguably, this has had the greatest impact on image production from war zones, exposing local photojournalists to increased dangers. But it also raises
...
the possibility that local photographers from conflict-torn countries may represent conflicts to international audiences differently than do international photographers. This possibility is explored in this study using the case of Afghanistan. Based on photojournalists’ perceptions and comparisons of international and locally produced images, we explore potential effects of the shifting reliance on local rather than international photojournalists on how distant wars come to be pictured to international audiences. This study advances an argument for giving increased protection to local photojournalists in conflict zones." (Abstract)
more
"By critically examining how trauma theory and subaltern studies have previously been applied to testimonial cinema, Garibotto rereads Argentinian films produced since 1983 and calls for an alternate interpretive framework at the intersection of semiotics, theories of affect, scholarship on hegemony
...
, and the ideological uses of documentary and fiction. She argues that recurrent concepts—such as trauma, mourning, memory, and subalternity—miss how testimonial films have changed over time, shifting from subaltern narratives to official, hegemonic, and iconic accounts. Her work highlights the urgent need to continue to study these types of narratives, particularly at a time when military dictatorships have become entrenched in Latin America and memory narratives proliferate worldwide. Although Argentina is Garibotto's focus, her theory can be adapted to other contexts in which narratives about recent political conflicts have shifted from alternative versions of history to official, hegemonic accounts—such as in Spanish, Chilean, Uruguayan, Brazilian, South African, and Holocaust testimonies. Garibotto's study of testimonial cinema moves us to pursue a broader ideological analysis of the links between film and historical representation." (Publisher description)
more
"Safety of journalists has been studied as part of freedom of expression. However, there is scarce qualitative research on Colombian regional journalists’ safety. This chapter seeks to address issues surrounding journalists’ safety and censorship in Colombia shedding light on triple menace: the
...
decrease in journalistic quality, citizens’ right to information and the influence on journalists’ professional behavior by analysing the multifaceted press censorship from 2008 to 2017, which occurred before and after the Peace Accord between FARC guerrilla and president Juan Manuel Santos. Media ethnography and in-depth interviews were used. Employing the Bourdieu’s Theory of Professional Field, the praxis, rationale and censorship of journalists during the conflict were mapped. The findings shed light on how the censorship went on during a more stable period in the conflict and how journalists were silenced and threatened." (Abstract)
more
This is the second of two policy briefs on polarisation. The first policy brief, “Polarisation and Peacebuilding Strategy on Digital Media Platforms: The Current Research,” reviewed the research, and concluded by recommending directions for future research. This brief describes interventions: (a
...
) interventions currently being attempted by NGOs and other peacebuilders using digital platforms as their medium, and (b) interventions that the platforms themselves have tested and/or put into action. The conclusion of this brief sorts interventions into categories, and provides recommendations for digital media platforms.
more
"This policy brief analyses the use of social media by different groups affected by Boko Haram’s terrorist insurgence, including the group itself. The rate, speed, spread and belief which information from social media commands has changed theatres of war and amplified terrorist threats. The Nigeri
...
an youth who are the forerunners of social media use in the country have further employed Hashtag (#) Activism for varied causes regarding Boko Haram. This study examines the interlinkages between the use of social media in ‘orchestrated data circulation’ (for the dissemination of information and propaganda) by both the insurgents and the Nigerian government, and the populace’s growing awareness of the power they wield by simply having internet data and a phone which enables them to challenge, counter and refute claims made by the government or security agencies. The populace does all of these by providing verifiable eye-witness accounts shared and made viral on social media. This brief further highlights the hidden enablers of the above interlinkages – Telecommunication Companies (TELCOs) whose role as Mobile Network Operators (MNOs) continues to oscillate between being government collaborators, targets for Boko Haram’s terrorist attacks and simply profit-driven enterprises competing for subscribers. As a base for contextual analysis, this study premises that while all parties involved attempt to appropriate social media for their benefits, specific parties such as social media tech companies, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and the populace have impactful roles to play. One of such is ensuring the benefits accrued from the continuous boom of social media are properly harnessed for peace processes and the safeguarding of individual rights to freedom of expression." (Abstract)
more
"The evidence amounts to a persuasive refutation of the commonly held beliefs that radio had widespread, direct effects and that hate radio was the primary driver of the genocide and participation in it. That said, the evidence suggests radio had some marginal and conditional effects. RTLM broadcast
...
s instigated certain attacks, particularly in and around the capital. The survey research shows statistically significant correlations between radio incitement and higher levels of violence among perpetrators. From that, it might be deduced that RTLM catalyzed some key agents of violence in some locations. Qualitative analysis additionally shows that a minority of the survey genocide perpetrators believed radio coordinated elites and signaled that authorities wanted the population to fight "the Tutsi enemy." In sum, then, the positive evidence of radio media effects is that radio instigated a limited number of acts of violence, catalyzed some key actors, coordinated elites, and bolstered local messages of violence. Based on these findings, it is plausible to hypothesize that radio had conditional and marginal effects. Radio did not cause the genocide or have direct, massive effects. Rather, radio emboldened hard-liners and reinforced face-to-face mobilization, which helped those who advocated violence assert dominance and carry out the genocide." (Page 123)
more
"According to Galtung’s articles ‘On the role of the media in worldwide security and peace’ (1986) and ‘High road, low road: Charting the course for peace journalism’ (1998), war journalism and peace journalism are two competing frames when reporting news on war and conflict. War journalis
...
ts reactively report on conflict in a way that propagates violence, victory, and an elitist orientation. On the contrary, peace journalists proactively report on the causes of and solutions to a conflict, giving voice to all parties through responsible, empathetic journalism. By searching databases for multiple examples of qualitative and quantitative literature on peace and war journalism, new paths to best practices of how scholars articulate and measure the concepts of peace and war using content analysis methods can be found. This article reports on studies published in peer-reviewed journals that investigate the attributes of peace and war as they are conceptualized by scholars analyzing newspaper articles, television broadcasts, and radio reports within the context of peace journalism. Results suggest the majority of peace journalism studies examine media surrounding direct violence as it is occurring, and assess it most often by using the war/peace indicator of elite-oriented versus people-oriented." (Abstract)
more
"The collection of essays in this volume seek among other things to draw attention to the virtues of conflict-sensitive journalism as a way of transforming the negative effects of ‘war’ journalism. Contributors to the handbook include journalists drawn from the following countries: eSwatini, Les
...
otho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe, who participated in a workshop in Windhoek in July 2018." (Foreword)
more
"En respuesta al riesgo que enfrentan tanto las emisoras comunitarias como otros medios de comunicación en todas las regiones del país, Colombia cuenta con un programa de protección a periodistas desde el año 2000. Luego de 19años, puede afirmarse que esta iniciativa ha contribuido considerable
...
mente a la disminución de homicidios contra reporteros en el país. Sin embargo, el programa se limita a acciones reactivas, no promueve acciones preventivas para proteger a los reporteros y carece de un alcance integral que involucre a las diferentes entidades estatales —para lograr, entre otras cosas, sanciones judiciales a los agresores—. Este enfoque integral también implica que los medios de comunicación asuman un rol activo en la implementación de medidas preventivas para proteger a sus comunicadores. Considerando los problemas estructurales del actual programa de protección a periodistas, así como las situaciones de riesgo que enfrentan las emisoras comunitarias y sus reporteros, la Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa (FLIP) y la Red Cooperativa de Medios de Comunicación Comunitarios de Santander (Resander) han creado, con el apoyo de la Unión Europea, este manual de autoprotección, con el fin de que las emisoras comunitarias establezcan medidas preventivas para ejercer su labor informativa. El objetivo de este manual es que las radios comunitarias fortalezcan el trabajo a través de sus redes de comunicación, en aras de monitorear la situación de seguridad de sus comunicadores. Adicionalmente, en este producto se brindan algunas pautas para la elaboración de análisis de contexto y se presenta el ejemplo de los departamentos de Guaviare, Caquetá, Putumayo y Nariño. Finalmente, se hacen recomendaciones para la implementación de medidas de autoprotección antes del cubrimiento de temas de interés, durante el cubrimiento, antes de la emisión de información y al interior de la emisora. Teniendo en cuenta que no es posible anticiparse a todas las situaciones de riesgo, al final del documento se sugieren rutas de acción para enfrentar situaciones de riesgo inminente." (Página 6-7)
more
"Following a century filled with violations of human rights, a significant number of documentary films have appeared since the first decade of the current century that report these events. Traditionally this process is carried out from the victims’ point of view. However, a new tendency has emerge
...
d in which the films deal with the perpetrators’ perspective. It is easy to understand how establishing a relationship with a person who has committed atrocities may be problematic. So, why should we engage with perpetrators? The overarching purpose of this article is to attempt to offer some answers to this question. To this end, two methodological approaches are carried out in parallel: first, this article explores a sample of five documentary films and the filmmakers’ considerations of what their engagement with the perpetrators was like. Second, this article reviews the related literature and the controversial reception of these films by some scholars. In doing so, I also posit a theory that 4Rs (remembrance, recognition, remorse, and redemption) are a necessary prerequisite for the fifth R, of reconciliation. The final elaboration of this schema is mainly based on an example of interpersonal reconciliation." (Abstract)
more
"While using qualitative and quantitative techniques, this study analyzes the issues and challenges faced by the journalists while working in the areas going under military operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and FATA. Based on the hierarchy of influences model, a survey was conducted in Wazirista
...
n, Swat and Peshawar. A total of 185 local journalists from Swat, North Waziristan and Peshawar are selected and interviewed. The research found various psychological and visible impacts on journalists reporting from conflict areas. They face challenges like governmental and organizational pressure, safety hazards and bars on freedom of access to news sources. Low perks and privileges, facilities to perform their professional duties and demanding standards for local journalists. The war journalists were dissatisfied with their professions and many were thinking to quit their jobs. In the qualitative technique of semi-structured interviews, the survey findings were supported and integrated with the large issues of media control and geo-strategic considerations." (Abstract)
more
"The Islamic State's media strategy allows for a message that has been crafted by a handful of IS propaganda agents to be disseminated by a few primary distributors, who in turn can reach thousands of unaffiliated sympathizers, and therefore millions of Twitter users. By means of a conclusion, this
...
chapter offers four short considerations on countering some of the different actors involved in the process. First, given the highly centralized nature of IS media production, which is most likely spearheaded by a handful of well-trained, technologically savvy and talented individuals, IS media production efforts would be very sensitive to the removal of these individuals [...] Second, although there is some anecdotal evidence that banning social media accounts is an effective way to curtail the activities of unaffiliated sympathizers, relying solely on social media companies to combat the spread of extremist material on their platforms not only raises questions regarding free speech, but would also give these companies the power to control public knowledge and discourse [...] Third, and on a related note, none of the so-called "lone wolf" attacks in Western countries were perpetrated by individuals who were actively involved in disseminating IS propaganda. In fact, it may well be that distributing jihadist material is an alternate mode of participation for individuals who are unwilling to engage in actual violence [...] Finally, although the Islamic State's military defeat appears imminent, one of the greatest mistakes of the "War on Terror" was the belief that the destruction of al-Qaeda's training camps and leadership would lead to the demise of the group, its affiliated movements and its ideology." (Conclusion)
more
"Toolkit Objectives: 1. Help journalists find practical applications for the “Journalists’ Pact for Strengthening Civil Peace in Lebanon.” 2. Practice reporting on issues in a way that overcomes divisions, provides solutions and develops stronger bonds between all members of the community. 3.
...
Familiarise journalists with news assessment techniques that follow a systematic and scientific approach to measure story quality against journalistic values and potential impact on civil peace. The Pact’s 5Ws & H: What? A Journalists’ Pact for Strengthening Civil Peace that includes 18 articles. Where? Lebanon. When? 2013. Who? Launched by UNDP Lebanon in partnership with the Ministry of Information endorsed by 32 media institutions, National Council for Audiovisual Media, press and editor’s syndicates. Why? To support the role of the media in strengthening civil peace in Lebanon. How? By enabling greater ethics in the practices of Lebanese media, focusing on the principles of accuracy, fairness and humanity in reporting." (Pages 4-5)
more