"This book mobilises the concept of kitsch to investigate the tensions around the representation of genocide in international graphic novels that focus on the Holocaust and the genocides in Armenia, Rwanda, and Bosnia. In response to the predominantly negative readings of kitsch as meaningless or in
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appropriate, this book offers a fresh approach that considers how some of the kitsch strategies employed in these works facilitate an affective interaction with the genocide narrative. These productive strategies include the use of the visual metaphors of the animal and the doll figure and the explicit and excessive depictions of mass violence. The book also analyses where kitsch still produces problems as it critically examines depictions of perpetrators and the visual and verbal representations of sexual violence. Furthermore, it explores how graphic novels employ anti-kitsch strategies to avoid the dangers of excess in dealing with genocide." (Publisher description)
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"This article analyzes socio-environmental conflicts in Latin America through a conflict transformation lens, highlighting the contributory role of the media as a secondary- and third-party actor in dialogues that address intractable conflicts. This article reviews journalistic coverage of war indic
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ators posited by Johan Galtung, and modified indicators by Lynch and McGoldrick, finding that indicators require further adaptation to analyze socio-environmental conflicts. Using frame theory, this work developed indicators for contributory frames and for the partisan frames. With those indicators the author analyzed the regional and national media and the stages of conflict cycle in three socio-environmental conflicts in Peru." (Abstract)
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"[...] la Fundación Gabo, que él [Gabriel García Márquez] mismo fundó, diseñó el proyecto “La paz con los ojos abiertos: periodismo, comunicación y construcción de paz en Colombia”, que honra y recoge el legado de Gabo en estos tres ámbitos. La iniciativa, que contó con el apoyo de la
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organización holandesa Porticus y el Programa de Alianzas para la Reconciliación de la Agencia de Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional (USAID) y ACDI/VOCA, tuvo como objetivo propiciar un proceso participativo y colaborativo de reflexión sobre el rol que han asumido, y que podrían asumir, el periodismo y la comunicación, en un sentido amplio, en la construcción de espacios de diálogo, convivencia y reconciliación en Colombia después de la firma del acuerdo de paz con uno de los grupos alzados en armas del país. Para lograrlo, la Fundación Gabo priorizó seis sectores: organizaciones e instituciones públicas implicadas directamente en el período del posacuerdo (organizaciones civiles locales y medios comunitarios); community managers, gestores de contenido y estrategas digitales, medios de comunicación y periodistas; sector privado y empresariado; y sector educativo. Durante seis meses llevó a cabo siete talleres en Bogotá, Medellín y Cartagena (uno con cada sector y otro de carácter estratégico al inicio), en los cuales se exploraron las lecciones aprendidas en experiencias periodísticas y de comunicación pasadas y presentes, emanadas de esos sectores. Tras la reflexión conjunta, surgieron una serie de recomendaciones con las que se pretende proponer una hoja de ruta que permita trazar el camino hacia una comunicación con visión de país, que responda a los desafíos de la actual coyuntura. “La paz con los ojos abiertos” es una propuesta innovadora en su abordaje. Hasta donde se sabe, no ha habido iniciativas similares, en las que un abanico tan amplio y diverso de sectores sociales hayan analizado su aporte a la construcción de la paz desde el ejercicio periodístico o de la comunicación en espacios en los que, más que buscar consensos, se propicie el diálogo entre diversas concepciones de país. El presente documento contiene algunas de las reflexiones más importantes en este campo, así como las recomendaciones ya mencionadas. Así mismo, recoge el trabajo llevado a cabo por la Fundación Gabo alrededor de los temas relacionados con el proyecto en sus 23 años de historia, repasa el surgimiento de iniciativas de comunicación, periodismo y construcción de paz en su contexto mientras las enmarca conceptualmente, y analiza el camino que estas han recorrido hasta la actualidad. Muchas de ellas fueron destacadas por los participantes en los talleres y son brevemente caracterizadas. También se incluye una línea de tiempo con algunos acontecimientos relevantes de los últimos 70 años, que, sin embargo, no pretende ser un resumen histórico, sino que quiere ubicar al lector en el contexto al que se refiere el documento." (Introducción, página 7-8)
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"This guide offers an overview of e-analytics in the context of peacemaking and preventive diplomacy. It is rooted in the e-analytics course that the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs has been conducting jointly with Global Pulse and a range of other partners since 2017. The guide pr
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esents a summary of e-analytics tools as well as examples from the peace and security field. It includes a data project planning matrix that aims to help facilitate and motivate data-driven analysis. Part of the guide is a glossary on basic terminology related to new technologies." (About this guide)
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"Die Medien und die breite Öffentlichkeit zeigen sich oftmals verwundert über die Perfektion der IS-Propaganda. Dabei wird übersehen, dass der Medienkrieg des Pseudo-Islamischen Staats auf einer ‚Großen Erzählung', einer ‚Meistererzählung' basiert, an der dschihadistische Organisationen se
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it beinahe 40 Jahren arbeiten. Die Entwicklung der dschihadistischen Propaganda lässt sich in fünf Phasen unterteilen. Die erste fällt mit dem 1979 bis 1989 gegen die Sowjetunion geführten Afghanistankrieg zusammen. Mehrere in dieser Zeit erschienene Filme setzen den von Abdallah Azzam, dem ‚Vater des modernen Dschihad', theoretisch begründeten Märtyrerkult ins Bild. Die zweite Phase umfasst den Bürgerkrieg in Bosnien von 1992 bis 1995: die Videopropaganda wird professionalisiert und erstmals werden Muslime außerhalb dschihadistischer Kreise erreicht. Die dritte Phase, 1996 bis 2002, fällt in die Jahre des zweiten Aufenthalts Bin Ladens in Afghanistan und Pakistan und kulminiert in den Anschlägen des 11. September 2001. Al-Qaida versucht vorzugeben, die einzig wahre muslimische Glaubensgemeinschaft zu sein. Die vierte Phase nimmt ihren Anfang mit der US-Invasion im Irak 2003 und dauert bis etwa 2007 an. Sie zeichnet sich durch eine Globalisierung der Propaganda, eine starke Präsenz im Web und das Auf treten des sogenannten ‚Pop-Dschihad' aus. Die fünfte und bis heute andauernde Phase beginnt 2010 und fällt mit zwei entscheidenden Entwicklungen zusammen: der durch die Entstehung des Web 2.0 bedingten massenhaften Nutzung der sozialen Netzwerke und dem wachsenden Einfluss des Dschihadismus im Zuge der Umwälzungen in der arabischen Welt." (Seite 147)
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"In den 1980er Jahren verstärkte sich das Unbehagen an der Gedenkkultur mit ihren Heldenerzählungen und nationalen Beschränkungen. Mit der größeren Komplexität des Gedenkens und der Hinwendung zu den sozialen Kosten historischer Ereignisse prägte sich eine neue Erinnerungskultur aus. Diese is
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t kein abgeschlossenes Modell. In diesem Prozess wandeln sich die Wahrnehmung der Vergangenheit sowie die zukunftsgerichteten Zwecke des Gedenkens." (Seite 17)
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"What is hybrid warfare? And what role does information play in today's conflicts? In the context of the technological/information revolution of the last two decades—which has greatly amplified the danger posed by nonmilitary means of political struggle—Hybrid Conflicts and Information Warfare a
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ddresses these questions from the perspectives of both Western and Russian experts. Incorporating both theory and contemporary realities, including the case of the Islamic State, the authors offer a unique dialogue on the nature of conflict in the second decade of the twenty-first century." (Publisher description)
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"The 55-year long Colombian conflict with the FARC guerrilla movement ended in 2016 with the signing of a peace agreement, which resulted in a substantial reduction in the number of victims of socio-political violence. Paradoxically, this did not improve security for journalists, who were targeted:
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one was killed, another suffered sexual abuse, and 262 received threats. In a qualitative case study, we content analyzed 592 tweets in order to document how threats from a political powerholder contributed to the formation of networks engaging in verbal violence on Twitter. Results showed that attacks on freedom of the press originated from a legitimate actor, caused an extremely polarized discussion among citizens who took sides, and provoked further threats and accusations. Conciliatory positions were hard to find." (Abstract)
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"Esta guía no tiene por objetivo relatar los hechos de la historia, sino abordar distintos aspectos de utilidad para la cobertura periodística. Los diversos aspectos de la comunicación pueden resultar inabarcables, es por eso que esta guía no pretende ser exhaustiva pero sí señalar algunas cue
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stiones fundamentales que, desde nuestra perspectiva, deben ser tenidas en cuenta a la hora de realizar la tarea periodística. Asimismo, para ampliar y profundizar los temas recomendamos bibliografía en cada uno de los capítulos." (Comentarios preliminares)
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"In 2013 I became the co-organizer of the Human Rights, Human Dignity Film Festival in Yangon. We organized the festival for a simple reason - we were very suspicious of the political reform process initiated by the Thein Sein administration, the transformed military government. Like many of our fel
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low citizens, we wanted to push the boundaries of the so-called quasi-civilian rule, by using the human rights film festival as a tool. That's how Myanmar's first international human rights film festival came to be. The landmark human rights event was held in Yangon for five years. A mobile film festival that brought human rights films to audiences across Myanmar also grew in scope. The abolition of pre-publication censorship in Myanmar resulted in a certain level of media freedom for the print media, but not for the film industry. In 2014 the film censorship board was recreated as the "Film Classification Board" under the Ministry of Information. In order to screen human rights films in downtown cinemas, authorization was required from the Film Classification Board. Without that official piece of paper, none of the commercial entertainment companies would allow us to host the human rights film festival in their theatres. Therefore, in order to keep the festival running, we did not select overly sensitive films. That might be called self-censorship; yet, in 2013, the first year of the festival, all films submitted to the Film Classification Board - including a documentary film about human rights violations in Myanmar prisons based on the story of a political prisoner - got the go-ahead to be publicly screened." (Pages 307-308)
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"This article examines representation of the conflict in Darfur by the media in Kenya, South Africa, Egypt and Rwanda. It analyses 850 newspaper articles published from 2003 to 2008 and journalist interviews from Kenya and South Africa. Using Mbembe’s articulation of ‘meaningful acts’ and Bour
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dieu’s field theory, the article highlights how the intersection of geopolitics, symbolic affirmation of unity and ‘Africanness’ and a ritualistic use of official sources led African media fields to mimic the global north in how they have framed the Darfur conflict. The most striking finding from the analysis of how these four countries reported the violence in Darfur is the salience of the ethnic conflict frame. However, the ethnic conflict frame was used in African media differently than in Western media, which often assumed a path-determined relationship between conflict and tribal identities. In contrast, African journalists used the ethnic frame to domesticate the news and as a part of specific political project to demarcate which actors should be understood as Other and with which actors audiences share an affinity." (Abstract)
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"The book develops the analytics of grievability as an analytical framework that unpacks the ways in which news about death constructs grievable death and articulates relational ties between spectators and sufferers. The book employs the analytics of grievability in a comparative manner and analyses
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the coverage of three different case studies (terror attack, war and natural disaster) by two transnational news networks (BBC World News and Al-Jazeera English). This comparative analysis showcases the centrality of news media in selectively cultivating a sense of cosmopolitan solidarity in a global age." (Publisher description)
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"[...] untersucht, wie konfliktsensitiv die deutsche Qualitätspresse über Kriege berichtet. Die empirische Antwort auf diese Frage ist für die mediale Glaubwürdigkeit elementar - und sie fällt ernüchternd aus. In zentralen Qualitätsdimensionen ist die Kriegsberichterstattung defizitär, was v
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or allem bedeutet: tendenziös. Exemplarisch deutlich wird dies an der journalistischen Wortwahl, einem bislang vernachlässigten Qualitätsindikator, für den ein spezifischer Analyseansatz entwickelt wurde. Die Ergebnisse der Inhaltsanalyse verstehen sich als Argumente einer konstruktiven Medienkritik und bieten darüber hinaus konkrete Ansatzpunkte für Qualitätsverbesserungen und Prüfroutinen in der redaktionellen Praxis." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"L’objet de ce livre est de décrire le système médiatique français et sa manière de traiter les conflits libyen et syrien à l’aune du « modèle de propagande » mis sur pied par Edward Hermann et Noam Chomsky dans les années 1980, dans leur ouvrage de référence Manufacturing Consent. A
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insi, à rebours de l’image d’Epinal de médias consciencieux, impartiaux et garants de la vérité que les journalistes aiment renvoyer, cet essai tente de démontrer comment un large consensus structure la présentation qui est faite de l’actualité en matière internationale. De la prédominance des partis pris et de l’instrumentalisation généralisée des informations — entre autres — se dégage une nouvelle manière de voir le discours médiatique et de comprendre sa nature propagandiste." (Dos de couverture)
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"The Law of Victims and Land Restitution, ratified in June 2011 and enforced since January 2012, constitutes an unprecedented attempt to end armed conflict in Colombia by applying a transitional justice framework and fostering rural development. Drawing on a methodology that integrates framing and r
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hetorical analysis, this article analyses the role of seven national and local Colombian newspapers in promoting governmental or alternative actors and frames regarding institutional, developmental, and peace and human rights agendas linked to this legislation. In addition, it evaluates the influence of rhetorical framing on media’s role and the resulting quality of media coverage. The results show that the media promoted governmental frames regarding institutional and developmental issues, and alternative frames advocated by other actors in relation to peace and human rights issues. In addition, they confirm the key importance of rhetorical framing in shaping that role. This was detrimental to the quality of media coverage geared towards sustainable peace and human development." (Abstract)
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"While Ukrainians consume a high volume of news content, barely one in four Ukrainians trust the media and only 23% cross-check news sources—the most basic form of media literacy [...] In this context, IREX designed and implemented Learn to Discern (L2D), a “demand-side” response to the proble
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m of manipulative information, an essential companion to “supply-side” solutions such as supporting independent, ethical, and truthful journalism. Citizens must be able to separate fact from fiction, recognize manipulation and hate speech, and demand and seek out independent, fact-based journalism. From October 2015 through March 2016, IREX implemented L2D with funding from the Canadian government and in partnerships with local organizations Academy of Ukrainian Press and StopFake. Through intensive skill-building seminars, L2D reached more than 15,000 people of all ages and professional backgrounds [...] The results of the impact evaluation showed that L2D participants had statistically significant higher levels of disinformation news analysis skills, greater knowledge of the news media environment, a stronger sense of agency over the media sources they consume, and were more likely to consult a wider range of news sources. Compared to the control group, L2D participants were: 28% more likely to demonstrate sophisticated knowledge of the news media industry; 25% more likely to self-report checking multiple news sources; 13% more likely to correctly identify and critically analyze a fake news story." (Executive summary, page 3-4)
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"Richard Moon examines the application of hate speech laws when religion is either the source or target of such speech. Moon describes the various legal restrictions on hate speech, religious insult, and blasphemy in Canada, Europe and elsewhere, and uses cases from different jurisdictions to illust
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rate the particular challenges raised by religious hate speech. The issues addressed are highly topical: speech that attacks religious communities, specifically anti-Muslim rhetoric, and hateful speech that is based on religious doctrine or scripture, such as anti-gay speech. The book draws on a rich understanding of freedom of expression, the harms of hate speech, and the role of religion in public life." (Publisher description)
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"Correspondants de guerre. Qui sont-ils : des "hyènes de l'info", des sténographes du pouvoir, comme le clament ceux qui ne les aiment guère ? Des envoyés spéciaux mus par de fortes convictions morales ou politiques et qui espèrent peser sur la marche du monde ? À l'image d'une Martha Gellhor
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n qui, en pleine guerre d'Espagne, pensait que tout ce qu'elle avait à faire pour vaincre l'injustice, c'était de la révéler ? Les temps ont changé depuis l'"invention" de ce métier par l'envoyé spécial du Times en Crimée en 1854. Les nouvelles technologies et les réseaux sociaux ont révolutionné l'écosystème médiatique. Pourtant, pour le journaliste, l'essence de sa mission reste la même : aller sur le terrain, au plus près des lignes de front; vérifier, valider; contester la censure et contrer la propagande; ouvrir le grand angle sur le contexte social, culturel, géopolitique et historique des conflits; "dire la vérité au pouvoir" et prendre, s'il le faut, l'opinion, souvent chauvine et suiviste, à rebrousse-poil. L'histoire du journalisme de guerre offre des exemples exceptionnels de courage et d'excellence, d'erreurs et de dérives aussi. Ce livre dépasse le portrait complice des "baroudeurs de l'info" pour soulever les grandes questions auxquelles ceux-ci ne peuvent se soustraire : comment préserver son indépendance alors que tout pousse au parti pris ? Comment gérer la peur et les risques ? Comment dire l'horreur ? Comment oser aller à contre-courant de l'actualité, pour prévenir des nuages qui s'accumulent, couvrir les "conflits oubliés" du bout du monde, revenir sur les guerres passées ?"
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