"This report explores issues of media policy during post-election violence. We examine the case of Kenya, where 1,133 people were killed after the 2007 elections, to distill lessons for Somaliland’s upcoming elections. There are indications the elections in Somaliland will be highly contentious an
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d that the media will have an important role in either exacerbating or alleviating political violence. Indeed this has already been the case. The much-anticipated presidential election has been postponed for over a year and escalating tensions between the government, opposition parties and the population suggest real potential for election-related violence." (Introduction)
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"Le président brésilien Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva n’a jamais eu de relations faciles avec la presse de son pays. Cette dernière a en effet appuyé, en grande majorité, le coup d’État qui a mené à la dictature militaire (1964-1985), et mis, depuis le rétablissement de la démocratie, tou
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te son énergie au service des candidats conservateurs. Cela n’a pas empêché finalement Lula de l’emporter en 2002, et d’être réélu en 2006, les deux fois avec un nombre record de suffrages. Cet ouvrage met l’accent sur le rôle d’acteur politique que joue la presse au Brésil, avec ses intérêts propres, y compris économiques, même lorsqu’ils sont dissimulés sous le manteau des grands principes démocratiques (« l’indépendance du quatrième pouvoir », « l’intérêt public », etc.). Publiant des témoignages inédits provenant des coulisses du gouvernement et des rédactions, Giancarlo Summa montre comment un leader charismatique, qui gouverne au nom des intérêts matériels et symboliques de la majorité défavorisée de la population, parvient à rompre le blocus des médias traditionnels. Le choix du président d’une communication directe (meetings, messages télévisés, Internet, recours à la presse locale et aux radios communautaires, etc.) lui a permis assurément de contourner le monopole médiatique des grands groupes commerciaux. Cependant Lula a renoncé à mettre sur pied une véritable politique de communication susceptible de remettre en question les intérêts structurels de ces grandes compagnies et de favoriser la création de médias alternatifs d’importance." (Dos de couverture)
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"The purpose of this handbook is to lay out some principles that could function as guideposts for journalists in Afghanistan as they seek to grapple with the evolving complexities of democracy in action. It seeks to provide concrete suggestions on how global best practices in political reporting and
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election coverage could be adapted for the Afghanistan context. Interactions between the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and the Afghan Independent Journalists Association (AIJA) have arrived at several conclusions about current media awareness of the democratic electoral process. Journalists find they have little access to the inner workings of the electoral process. They think that political leaders do not want to face journalists who ask difficult questions. The referee of the electoral process, the Independent Election Commission established under the constitution of Afghanistan, also is in need of media oversight, as are the election observers deployed by international agencies. Journalists are keen to join debate about the most appropriate pattern of electoral democracy for Afghanistan, in terms of assessing the presidential and the parliamentary system, and all the variants on these basic models. Journalists want an agreed charter of rights regarding their powers of scrutiny over the electoral process, so that they can report irregularities that ordinary people and public authorities can then seek to correct. Journalists want to understand better the principles of neutral and non-partisan reporting. In the specific situation of past and present conflict in Afghanistan, journalists want to understand how they can expand the limits of “safe reporting”, particularly in relation to the influence and coercive power wielded by erstwhile “warlords." (Introduction, page 3)
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"The findings from this research reveal the complexity of delivering journalism training and the challenges involved in capturing evidence of impact. Content analysis is a useful tool for measuring change in media output. It can both inform training delivery and provide evidence of improvements to o
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utput after training has taken place. The detailed and systematic collection and analysis of data can detect subtle changes in content, presentation of output and production elements that might not be captured by other research techniques. Although content analysis provides evidence that the output has changed it may not necessarily be a direct result of the intervention. Content analysis records media output - it does not measure the situation under which the news is produced. For example, during the training period managers might have introduced editorial guidelines or style guides to the organisation independently of the training intervention. Changes in output might be attributable to the actions of management rather than the training experience. Content analysis is also limited to measuring changes to output only – not to the skills acquired by particular trainees. For example, a trainer worked with the news room team to produce a radio package - at the last minute the management refused to broadcast the piece due to editorial policy. Although the improved content was not broadcast, and therefore not included in the content analysis, journalists acquired skills in the production process." (Research learnings, page 8)
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"Dieses Buch fasst Untersuchungen aus verschiedenen Ländern, in denen Frauen höchste Staatsämter innehaben, zusammen und prüft, wie die Medien mit ihnen umgehen und wie sich Wahlkampagnen von und für Frauen gestalten." (Publisher description)
"La comunicación política implica el conocimiento y dominio de técnicas de investigación, de planificación, el diseño y ejecución de acciones estratégicas que tienen por objeto llegar de forma eficiente a los públicos; implica cambio y difusión eficiente de mensajes. La propuesta política
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, la elaboración del discurso político y la construcción de la imagen política suponen la identificación sistémica de una estrategia política, estrategia comunicacional y estrategia publicitaria." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"The Palestinian media, taken as a whole, generally offered voters a variety of views concerning the campaign. Respect of legal provisions for free airtime on the public TV and radio, as well as televised debates and talk shows, permitted parties and candidates to convey messages to the electorate.
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Outside the free time, however, Palestine TV and Voice of Palestine, through news coverage, favoured the incumbents and their candidates. In contrast to the news coverage by public media, the two popular pan-Arab networks monitored by Filastiniyat, Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya, provided more balanced coverage, with a greater diversity of views. In its news programmes, Watan TV clearly favoured Mustafa Barghouthi and his party list Independent Palestine. The time granted on Watan, Al Arabiya and Al Jazeera for all the contesting parties, was a positive public service by the three private broadcasters. The print media provided a plurality of views, generally with coverage of Fatah being most dominant. The legal framework regulating media coverage during the election campaign remains inadequate. Majority of interlocutors placed restrictions to the freedom of movement for journalists at the forefront of concerns in Palestine." (Executive summary)
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