"Este Manual de Campaña Electoral es un conjunto de orientaciones estratégicas y generales que pretende ser útil en toda contienda electoral y un facilitador de las técnicas del marketing político. Es una guía al candidato y a su equipo de campaña en las distintas instancias que deberá recor
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rer desde que presenta su candidatura hasta el día de la elección. El Manual de Campaña Electoral pretende ser una guía simple y accesible a todos, el objetivo es que cada candidato pueda aprovechar al máximo sus potencialidades, organizando una buena campaña electoral. Esta guía de manual es una preparación constante y permanente para profesionales, políticos, y también para concientizar a los partidos y los gobiernos sobre la importancia de invertir una buena parte de su presupuesto en preparación del personal, y mostrarles los beneficios cuando lleguen etapas difíciles, entre una organización que se deja llevar al abismo y otra que implementa sus propios salvavidas antes de caer en peligro." (Presentación, página 6)
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"This Course Handbook has been produced to accompany the URN Advanced Radio Journalism Course, which is being run throughout Uganda for freelance radio journalists in 2005 and 2006. The Handbook, which follows the day-by-day course programme, contains transcripts of PowerPoint presentations plus add
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itional supporting material. It is important to note that the material presented in text boxes represents the PowerPoint presentations and can only be properly understood in the context of the course itself." (Introduction)
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"This manual offers a basic description of a new method of developing journalistic skills to cover elections, and provides some essential information about elections and reporting responsibilities and techniques. Although it can be used in a wide range of elections, referenda and other votes around
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the world, it is specifically designed as a tool for coaching journalists in countries marked by conflict, or countries in the midst of a transition to democracy. The manual, as you will see, is foremost intended for those persons – we call them coaches – who are assisting in skills development. It is a handbook for those who are doing the coaching, or providing the training. But the information about elections and reporting is also meant to be passed on to reporters, editors and managers who are developing their skills. So the information here is to be shared, copied and used as journalists’ guidelines, as much as possible.
This manual stems from a Réseau Liberté journalism development programme funded by CIDA (Canadian International Development Agency). This programme to support Haitian media involves two main partners: CBC/Radio-Canada’s Institute for Training in Public Broadcasting and the Montreal-based NGO, Alternatives. After conducting several traditional training seminars to help journalists prepare to cover the 2005 - 2006 elections in Haiti, Réseau Liberté wanted to try another approach. This consisted of working with the journalists and the media outlets in their daily tasks, rather than inviting them to seminars outside their workplace. This new approach was examined and developed into a structured new methodology of media development which we call “coaching.” The methodology was supported by a handbook or manual for the coaches, covering Haiti-specific issues and election reporting generally." (Introduction)
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"Several Latin American countries have experienced the emergence of neopopulist politicians who eschew ties to traditional parties and orient their campaigns toward the atomized poor. This article examines the role of television in the electoral success of these politicians. Using survey data, I ass
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ess the impact of television exposure on vote choice in the 1989 election of Fernando Collor de Mello in Brazil, the 2000 election of Alberto Fujimori in Peru, and the 2001 election of Alejandro Toledo in Peru. These cases achieve variation on two predictors of media effects: the presence of a neopopulist outsider and biased television coverage of the campaign. Statistical analysis confirms our theoretical expectations of media effects in the first two elections (where coverage was biased) but not in the third. These findings suggest that bias is the more reliable predictor of television’s impact on Latin American presidential elections, rather than the presence of a neopopulist candidate." (Abstract)
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"The handbook was developed, first and foremost, as a practical guide for members of election observation missions. At the same time, it has become a major reference document for ODIHR’s election observation methodology and, as such, has also inspired other observer groups, both domestic and inter
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national, in developing their own election observation capacity.
ODIHR’s election observation methodology has evolved over the years to reflect the experience gained from observing or assessing a total of more than 230 elections, leading to the development of an ever more-refined approach to observing or assessing elections in different circumstances and responding to varying needs. A long-term, comprehensive, consistent and systematic election observation methodology has become the bedrock of ODIHR’s credibility in this field.
[...] The new edition takes account of developments in field practices that have evolved since 2005, such as those for observing new voting technologies and an increased emphasis on the observation of post-election developments. It includes details on how ODIHR has tailored its election-related activities to needs that have been identified in order to best assist participating States with the resources available. As such, this edition of the Handbook provides an overview of the different formats that ODIHR can employ when undertaking election-related activities, including election observation missions, limited election observation missions, election assessment missions and expert teams. Finally it also elaborates on follow-up to ODIHR election-related recommendations, as well as on media and statistical analysis." (Foreword, page 8)
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"Als Beispiel einer Kampagne habe ich einen Wahlkampf genommen, da Wahlkämpfe gegenüber anderen Kampagnen in aller Regel zwei zusätzliche Komponenten aufweisen: Personalisierung. Zwar ist der Spitzenkandidat für eine Partei, was auch BrentSpar für die Anti-Shell-Kampagne von Greenpeace gewesen
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ist: Person bzw. Einzelsymbol stehen als Teil für das Ganze, sie versinnbildlichen das Anliegen, geben der Kampagne Gesicht. Doch ist der Spitzenkandidat immer auch Subjekt der Kampagne, nie nur Objekt. Das erfordert eine sehr intensive Zusammenarbeit zwischen Kandidat und Kampagnenleitung.
Unmittelbare Konkurrenz. Die Anzahl von Mandaten ist fest gelegt und die Möglichkeit, nach der Aufstellung der Wahllisten auf andere „Stimm-Märkte“ auszuweichen, nicht gegeben. Das erfordert zusätzliche strategische Überlegungen. Dieses Buch zeigt, wie eine Kampagne ablaufen kann und soll – mit Anleihen aus der Theorie, mit Blicken auf die USA, mit einem Beispiel, ... und mit Verweisen auf andere MuP-Bücher, mit denen dieses Buch eng verzahnt ist. Die Inhalte sind auf Kampagnen im Non-Profit-Bereich übertragbar. Die skizzierte Kampagne am Ende zeigt ein Beispiel dafür." (Seite 9)
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