"Given the size and scope of the Russian propaganda campaign that targeted the U.S. electorate in 2016, it is critical to understand both the impact of that campaign and the mechanisms that can reduce the impact of future campaigns. This report, the third in a four-part series, describes a study con
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ducted by RAND researchers to assess how people react to and engage with Russia’s online propaganda and to determine whether the negative effects of that engagement can be mitigated by brief media literacy advisories or by labeling the source of the propaganda. Russia targets the extremes on both sides of the political divide, and a short media literacy video and labeling intervention were both shown to reduce willingness among particular categories of participants (defined by news consumption habits) to “like” the propaganda. This is one of the first studies to show that Russian propaganda content works, at least partially, as it is intended to—that is, it successfully elicits strong partisan responses that may help it exacerbate divisions in American society. For certain audiences, the content is also likeable and sharable. This study is among the first to use actual Russian propaganda in a randomized controlled trial." (Back cover)
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"RT (formerly, Russia Today) is one of the most important organizations in the global political economy of disinformation. It is the most richly funded, well-staffed, formal organization in the world producing, disseminating, and marketing news in the service of the Kremlin. It is an agency accused
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of many things, but little is known about all the creative work involved in financing, governing, training, and motivating RT’s activities. To understand more about the production of political news and information by RT, we investigate its organizational behavior through in-depth interviews of current and former staff. Our data show that RT is an opportunist channel that is used as an instrument of state defense policy to meddle in the politics of other states. The channel has been established in the shadows of the Soviet media system and its organizational behavior is characterized by Soviet-style controls." (Abstract)
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"This paper offers a big-picture analysis of the Chinese Digital Silk Road’s (DSR) three most strategically pressing implications for the EU and India. It does so by analysing the DSR’s global progress and specific impacts in Europe and South Asia. The three implications are: a) the creation of
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a full-fledged Chinese digital backbone; b) the setting of technological standards in the unfolding Fourth Industrial Revolution; and c) the shaping of cyber governance, norms, and a ‘digital experience’ with ‘Chinese characteristics’. While immediate DSR impact is currently more ubiquitous outside the EU and India, it will substantially influence the global digital order as well. The DSR offers countries involved in the initiative with economic opportunities, and can, if harnessed smartly, assist in enabling a more level playing field with advanced economies. Equally, it also poses challenges. From the EU and Indian economic and security points of view, neither can afford to ignore the DSR, or be reactionary in policy responses. For both, addressing emerging digital realities will require a long-term multi-pronged vision, and greater collaboration among like-minded states." (Abstract)
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"In order to build good international relationships, Public Diplomacy (PD) requires a precise and complete understanding of who and what makes up a country’s image. However, previous research lacks a theoretical and methodological framework that allows for the systematic collection and analysis of
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the opinions of foreign publics to analyze the whole picture of a country. This study discusses the concept of public opinion and country image formation and takes into consideration different measurement models. On this basis, a new, innovative, integrative country image listening and measurement instrument for public diplomacy is introduced. The new model integrates different components of country image and highlights the importance of formative and summative evaluation, while considering contextual factors influencing country image formation. This instrument allows the strategic analysis of how public diplomacy communication and various publics contribute to the formation of country images. We demonstrate the value of the integrated country image measurement instrument by analyzing the Swiss country image via a multimethod approach, principally through analyzing and integrating data from public opinion survey studies, international news coverage and Google Trends as a way to assess the international perception of a country. First, on the output level, we analyze high reach media outlets in five countries (Germany, France, Italy, UK, and US) with a codebook that allows for analysis of the news agenda about Switzerland in the countries abroad with respect to the five country image dimensions. Second, on the outcome level, we use a survey study in the five countries, combining a standardized instrument for measuring country image with open survey questions about general associations, strengths, weaknesses and recalled news media surrounding Switzerland. In addition, we use structural equation modeling to calculate the value drivers of the Swiss country image, to find out what the key components that shape the country image dimensions are. In order to look at conative outcomes, we further analyze google searches in the respective countries, as trace data can give empirical proofs for the statements of respondents and bring valuable insights on digital media as a new information source. Finally, we analyze the overall country reputation in each of the countries and align the results with the content analysis and survey studies. The study gives public diplomacy actors valuable insights into the use of mixed method approaches when measuring country images and exploring the importance of “listening” and so giving special attention to different types of publics, units and research methods." (Abstract)
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"This collections of case-studies, best practices and learnings provided by cross-border practitioners of Europe wants to help everyone who is interested in the cross-border method, who wants to start cross-border projects or wants to gain more cross-border skills." (Publisher description)
"This report analyses a persistent, large-scale influence campaign linked to Chinese state actors on Twitter and Facebook. This activity largely targeted Chinese-speaking audiences outside of the Chinese mainland (where Twitter is blocked) with the intention of influencing perceptions on key issues,
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including the Hong Kong protests, exiled Chinese billionaire Guo Wengui and, to a lesser extent Covid-19 and Taiwan. Extrapolating from the takedown dataset, to which we had advanced access, given to us by Twitter, we have identified that this operation continues and has pivoted to try to weaponise the US Government’s response to current domestic protests and create the perception of a moral equivalence with the suppression of protests in Hong Kong." (https://www.aspi.org.au)
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"China does not seem to have a regional soft-power strategy and prefers bilateral relations with SEE countries. Institutional ties take the shape of Friendship Associations, business bodies or twinning agreements which, however, rarely live up to expectations. Scientific cooperation between numerous
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universities and thinktanks is of dubious quality to date and there are relatively few scholarships granted to SEE beneficiaries. Confucius Institutes and Classrooms as well as Chinese cultural centres are mushrooming across the region, though the precise number of beneficiaries is hard to verify. History is a key component of China’s cultural diplomacy, but modern Chinese culture is not popular in the region. Beijing seeks to influence the media sector in several formal and less formal ways. Yet, a number of negative reports in the regional media reveal controversial contracts awarded to Chinese companies, if not outright corruption." (Executive summary)
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"Brings together diverse issues and expert perspectives of twenty-two notable and accomplished communication scholars, representing eight countries around the world. Together they discuss international communication, public relations and advertising, cultural implications of globalization, internati
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onal law and regulation, transnational media, the shifting politics of media, trends in communication and information technology, and much more. The Third Edition is fully updated to reflect major events that have impacted our global communication environment. Three new chapters on “global journalism” and “gender, ethnicity, and religion,” and “Shifting Politics in Global Media and Communication” have been added to make this volume more comprehensive." (Publisher description)
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"Public Diplomacy ist eine Form von Regierungshandeln, das darauf abzielt, die Gesellschaft eines anderen Staates so zu beeinflussen, dass durch sie auf die Entscheidungen der dortigen Regierung eingewirkt werden kann. Sie nutzt hierfür unterschiedliche Instrumente der Kommunikation. Sie verfolgt u
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nterschiedliche Ziele, die Image steuern und Interessen vertreten sollen. Sie ist ein Teil von soft power und verstärkt diese." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This article details the role of collaborative journalism during the process of rebuilding investigative journalism at its core thus assuring enduring investment in its quality. We will start by characterizing the concepts of investigative journalism and collaborative journalism, using leading scho
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lars in both of these complementary areas; we will, then, identify the pressures that constrains investigative journalism, and analyse how journalistic collaboration has a potential for resistance that can protect both investigative journalism and the journalists who practice it. Our article path will be complemented with the case study of the "Daphne Project", the first project of the consortium "Forbidden Stories", the international platform created by Laurent Richard. This project will be characterized through a documentary analysis and with interviews we conducted with both its founder, Laurent Richard, and Mathew Caruana Galizia, the son of Daphne Caruana Galizia, the Maltese journalist murdered on October 16th 2017, during her investigations. The Daphne Project was created for the purpose of keeping alive stories of journalists who have been killed, imprisoned or, for some reason, were unable to pursue their investigations. Not only does collaborative journalism protect investigative journalism and investigative journalists, but cross-borders collaboration also allows "sharing the risk across a wide range of international players" (Sambrook, 2017). If the absolute exposure of the lonely investigative journalist turns him/her into a target in territories where freedom of speech is threatened, the murder of this Maltese journalist, followed by the murder of Slovakian Ján Kuciak, in 2018, placed Europe as an unlikely set on the risk map. While acknowledging the problems caused by international consortium of journalists, this research highlights, above all, how these partnerships, anchored in "radical sharing" (Guevara, 2016)1, are contributing to enhance investigative journalism." (Abstract)
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"As the United States engages with the Taliban in a peace process that might return them to influence within Afghanistan, concerns are rising regarding the future status of Afghan women. In this background, this article returns to the much studied subject of the portrayal of Afghan women in Western
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news media through Orientalist stereotypes. Noting the lack of Afghan perspectives in previous research on this topic, the study investigates the views and practices of Afghan photojournalists, who have today come to replace international photojournalists in the country, when it comes to ‘picturing Afghan women’ for Western audiences. It sheds light on the day-to-day professional activities of these photojournalists when producing images of Afghan women for Western audiences. It goes on to explore Afghan photojournalists’ perceptions about how Afghan women have been and are being portrayed in Western news media. Finally, it reports on how most of these Afghan photojournalists may perpetuate the same stereotypes about Afghan women for Western audiences because hierarchies in the international ‘visual gatekeeping chain’ supersede the Afghan photojournalists’ power to shape visual narratives and coupled with the need to earn an income as precarious labor, their individual self-reflexivity regarding picturing Afghan women are suppressed. The study also notes how photographing Afghan women causes risks for Afghan photojournalists as well as the Afghan women who are photographed. Attention is called to this hitherto invisible ethical concern that lives are jeopardized to validate Western savior narratives regarding Afghan women through images." (Abstract)
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"A gradual transition from unconnected, discrete public relations efforts towards a coherent narrative is in progress. This is facilitated by the strengthening framework of cooperation, the change of posture and behaviour by Chinese institutions, the expansion of points of entry into the media envir
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onment and the widening range of cooperative actors. Such a shift requires a transition from inconspicuousness to a more open and assertive presence which is presently in train. China’s efforts are further accelerated by the existing structural public and media weaknesses. These range from media proximity to government, which encourages media outlets to uncritically amplify the government’s cooperation agenda, to the collapse of traditional business models. Ownership opaqueness creates yet another opening for outside actors with agendas, as does the endless multiplication of media platforms and web sites. An insatiable hunger for free content offers a further point of entry. Even so, China will be facing some headwinds as it attempts to embed and leverage its media presence. These range from an unsuitable style of interaction to cultural distance. Ideological rigidity is an also an issue. China’s strong presence in the region is becoming more and more apparent, inviting alertness and scrutiny." (Conclusions, page 32)
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"Since the start of the Trump era, the United States and the Western world has finally begun to wake up to the threat of online warfare and the attacks from Russia. The question no one seems to be able to answer is: what can the West do about it? Central and Eastern European states, however, have be
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en aware of the threat for years. Nina Jankowicz has advised these governments on the front lines of the information war. The lessons she learnt from that fight, and from her attempts to get US congress to act, make for essential reading. How to Lose the Information War takes the reader on a journey through five Western governments' responses to Russian information warfare tactics - all of which have failed. She journeys into the campaigns the Russian operatives run, and shows how we can better understand the motivations behind these attacks and how to beat them. Above all, this book shows what is at stake: the future of civil discourse and democracy, and the value of truth itself." (Publisher description)
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"On December 15, Facebook announced that it had taken down three separate networks that it had discovered for “coordinated inauthentic behavior” that targeted communities across Africa. One, centered on the Central African Republic (CAR) and Mali, was linked to individuals associated with the Fr
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ench military. The other two, centered respectively on CAR and Libya, were connected to the business and influence operations of Russian oligarch Yevgeniy Prigozhin, founder of the mercenary organization Wagner Group and the Internet Research Agency “troll farm.” The French and Russian operations in the CAR tried to expose each other, and repeatedly clashed in groups, comments, and cartoon wars. We have documented the first of the Russian operations in a joint report with Stanford University entitled “Stoking Conflict by Keystroke”; this report focuses on the French and Russian operations that targeted CAR. For the sake of brevity, the operation linked to individuals with ties to the French military will be referred to as the “French operation” in this report, while the Russian operation attributed to individuals associated with past activity by the Internet Research Agency (IRA) and previous operations attributed to entities associated with Russian financier Yevgeniy Prigozhin is referred to as the “Russian operation” in this report. It is worth highlighting that Facebook did not attribute the operation directly to the French Government or the French military, and that this report similarly does not offer evidence of institutional involvement from French governmental and military entities." (Executive summary)
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"Since the 1950s, Chinese foreign aid has been influenced by and linked with China’s investment, trade, and foreign policy objectives. Partly as a result, it has also been fairly opaque. However, as Chinese aid (and loans) have increased in volume and significance, and as China’s economic status
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has improved, this opacity has become more challenging for recipient countries to manage. The creation of China’s International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA) in 2018 can be seen as a concerted move by China to allay these concerns by making a stronger commitment towards a clearer distinction among the various types of Chinese financial flows. However, it remains difficult for recipient countries to navigate the system. This note aims to help recipient countries understand Chinese aid management and structures by providing an overview of those structures and what they mean for the future of aid from China. The note takes into account two key shifts in Chinese aid management in recent years: the formation of CIDCA, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)." (Summary)
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"This article examines Turkish TV series’ recent success as canned programming primarily in newly developed and developing countries in Eastern Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, South Asia, and South America through close textual analysis of a particularly popular Turkish adaptation, Bizim Hik
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aye (Our Story) (2017-2019) in comparison with its original, Shameless (2011-). I argue that Turkish series’ emphasis on nostalgic and melancholic narrative frames make them particularly appealing in these regions, as they deal with relatable circumstances of swift and traumatic changes under neoliberalism. However, female protagonists are allowed only a limited range of roles because of the reliance on nostalgia, thus, ultimately serving to re-legitimize patriarchal relations of domination." (Abstract)
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"First unveiled in 2015, the Digital Silk Road (DSR) component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has attracted more political and commercial attention as technology-related tensions between the US and China have risen. Whereas large-scale traditional infrastructure projects have so far bee
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n the focus of the BRI, the DSR is using technologies that will serve as the foundation of a new digital economy. It is also becoming more central to the BRI—President Xi Jinping’s signature international initiative—as Chinese technology companies improve their ability to expand globally, developing countries begin embracing digital technologies and considering moving to next-generation 5G networks, and Xi focuses increasingly on technology self-reliance and R&D in key technology sectors. The DSR is best understood as an umbrella branding effort and a narrative for Beijing to promote its global vision across a range of technology areas and projects. However, it is Chinese private companies that are the main drivers of the initiative, often using the DSR label to gain policy support to pursue overseas commercial expansion." (Page 1)
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"In the context of a perceived crisis of globalization, this article outlines key features of the globalization paradigm that bore influence in media and communication studies, observing two recurring and related weaknesses: underestimation of the continuing significance of nation-states, and overes
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timation of the extent to which cultures and identities had become ‘post-national’ and cosmopolitan. The rise of populism could lead to a post-global era, but it is more likely that it marks a reassertion of national policy and political priorities into the operations of global corporations and multilateral institutions. This raises the question of whether global communication studies need to be more concerned with national policy questions rather than with ‘the global’ as an entity in its own right." (Abstract)
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