"Depuis leur apparition apres les independances politiques, les films realises par les Africains originaires des anciennes colonies françaises subsahariennes ont ete tres peu diffuses dans les salles de l'ancienne metropole. A de tres rares exceptions pres, ils ont egalement tres peu ete vus par le
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public français. L'image de « film de festival» qui leur a ete accolee a joue un role negatif non negligeable, confirmant leur mise a l'ecart dans un ghetto pour inities. Les quelques titres cites rituellement ont piege leurs locuteurs, qui se trouvaient reduits a ces lieux et a ces histoires qu'ils racontaient, et la realite d'un autre phenomene genant s'en est trouvee occultee: le rejet massif de ces cinematographies par les instances de legitimation du Nord, accompagne d'une condescendance melee a la culpabilite post-coloniale. Si la France a bien ete le lieu de naissance de nombreux films du Sud, elle en a de facto ete egalement le cimetiere, principal lieu de diffusion et d'existence materielle et symbolique, notamment aupres d'une frange de la critique, mais sans susciter l'interet des Français ni permettre a ces films d'acceder a la reconnaissance internationale." (Resume)
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"As part of China’s massive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the biggest infrastructure undertaking in the world, Beijing has launched the Digital Silk Road (DSR). Announced in 2015 with a loose mandate, the DSR has become a significant part of Beijing’s overall BRI strategy, under which China pr
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ovides aid, political support, and other assistance to recipient states. DSR also provides support to Chinese exporters, including many well-known Chinese technology companies, such as Huawei. TheDSR assistance goes toward improving recipients’ telecommunications networks, artificial intelligence capabilities, cloud computing, e-commerce and mobile payment systems, surveillance technology, smart cities, and other high-tech areas." (Introduction)
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"China’s global communication activities are mainly perceived as sinister propaganda to mislead international audiences, and related discussions exemplify Western unease about China’s global communication efforts. While not trivializing these efforts, this article objects to some of the assessme
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nts and argues in favour of a critical but openminded engagement with China’s global communication activities. Such an approach should pay attention to potential audiences and should closely scrutinize the real-life circumstances of China’s communicative practices and put them into perspective for its audiences. The article highlights these aspects by analysing the screening of a video in New York City’s Times Square in Summer 2016 and one version of the China Daily supplement, China Watch." (Abstract)
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"With CARE’s fourth global 'Suffering In Silence' report, we are starting to see a trend of certain countries annually remaining on the list of the most under-reported crises. While we expanded the analysis in 2019 by including Spanish and Arabic online media coverage (in addition to English, Fren
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ch and German), the results are surprisingly similar to previous years: 6 of the 10 crises had already appeared in the ranking at least twice in the past three years; 9 of the 10 crises take place on the African continent. They range from drought to displacement, conflict, epidemics and food insecurity. In order to address these recurrences, we need to ask: what are the factors that contribute to the silent suffering? The duration of a crisis may play a role, along with its effect on, or how it is affected by, international geopolitics. The European Commission defines a forgotten humanitarian crisis as a severe and protracted humanitarian situation in which people receive little to no international aid. In addition, there is a lack of political will to end the crisis as well as a lack of media attention, meaning the crisis develops beyond public perception." (Introduction, page 5)
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"Each year, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) publishes the list of the ten most neglected displacement crises in the world, to shine a spotlight on these forgotten emergencies. This is the list for 2019. Although humanitarian assistance should be based on needs alone, some crises receive more att
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ention and support than others. This neglect can be a result of a lack of geopolitical interest. Or the people affected may seem too far away for many to identify with. Neglect can also be the result of the lack of willingness to compromise by parties to political conflicts, creating protracted crises and growing donor fatigue. The aim in publishing this list is to focus on the plight of people whose suffering rarely makes international headlines. More information and knowledge about these people and the crises surrounding them is a first important step towards improving their lives. The list has been created based on three criteria: lack of political will, lack of media attention and lack of economic support. All displacement crises* resulting in more than 200,000 displaced people have been analysed – 41 crises in total." (Page 2)
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"The Chinese government’s media activities in the Pacific fall into five categories. First, China has expanded its official media to Pacific Island countries (PICs). The China Central Television’s English international channel (CCTV-9) has established operations in the Federated States of Micron
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esia (FSM, 2002), Samoa (2005), Vanuatu (2005), Fiji (2006) and Tonga (2006). China Radio International is also broadcasting to audiences in Vanuatu (2007), Samoa (2010) and Tonga (2012). In September 2010, China’s biggest news agency Xinhua opened its first Pacific branch in Fiji’s capital, Suva. In addition, Chinese embassies in the Pacific have opened Facebook and Twitter accounts for publicity purposes. Second, Chinese diplomatic missions actively use local media for publicity [...] China’s three other types of media activities include sponsoring Pacific journalists’ visits to China for training or exchanges, constructing media facilities and fostering ties with local Chinese media in PICs. For example, Pacific journalists attended capacity training programs in China in August 2015, October 2016 and June 2018. In March 2019, China funded the construction of the press gallery in Fiji’s parliament. Chinese embassies have also made efforts to establish close relations with Fiji Daily, the country’s largest newspaper in Mandarin Chinese, and Vila Times, the first Chinese-English bilingual newspaper in Vanuatu. In March 2018, Chinese ambassador to Fiji Qian Bo encouraged Fiji Daily to play its role in ‘telling the China story well’ in Fiji and contribute to China–Fiji relations." (Pages 1-2)
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"The issues of media ownership and Russian propaganda messaging remain an ongoing concern in Ukraine. Of the top 20 most-viewed TV channels in the country, almost all belong to the same people who top the list of Ukraine’s wealthiest oligarchs – Rinat Akhmetov, Viktor Pinchuk, Dmytro Firtash, Se
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rhiy Liovochkin, Ihor Kolomoisky, Petro Poroshenko and Viktor Medvedchuk – some of whom have close contacts with Russian political power. The same people who dominate the media in Ukraine also fund political parties and individual politicians." (Page 1)
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"The Syrian independent exile media as a sector is at the core of this study. To understand the unique nature of this sector, the study contextualises the issues pertaining to the Syrian independent exile media in the wider framework of exile media globally, and donors’ approaches to media develop
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ment in the context of conflict, postconflict and fragile states (including approaches to exile media); it also discusses lessons learned more generally and draws on examples through case studies. The study is divided into two parts: 1. Independent exile media globally — practices, policies and lessons learned; and 2. Syrian exile organisations and institutions." (Executive summary)
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"Democratic nations around the globe are facing increasing levels of false and misleading information circulating on social media and news websites, propagating alternative sociopolitical realities. One of the most innovative actors in this process has been the Russian state, whose disinformation ca
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mpaigns have influenced elections and shaped political discourse globally. A key element of these campaigns is the content produced by state-funded outlets like RT and Sputnik, whose articles are republished by underfunded or sympathetic local media, as well as coordinated groups that attempt to shape mainstream political narratives. Using a tailored text-as-data approach, we examine the thematic and linguistic differences in articles produced by U.S. and Russian state-funded and mainstream outlets in Serbia. We use 11 features (frames and in-text characteristics) to construct an article country-source classifier with a high degree of accuracy. The article contributes toward an understanding of the structural characteristics of Russian statefunded news in the Western Balkans, enhances the application of computational text analysis in Serbian, and provides suggestions for the application of text-as-data methods to the study of online disinformation." (Abstract)
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"Para contribuir a que las sociedades entiendan de una mejor manera los problemas a los que se enfrentan los migrantes y busquen en conjunto soluciones que mejoren la convivencia, nació Puentes de Comunicación. El proyecto está impulsado por el medio digital venezolano Efecto Cocuyo y la organiza
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ción alemana DW Akademie y ha sido posible gracias al apoyo financiero del Ministerio Federal de Asuntos Exteriores de Alemania. Una de sus primeras acciones fue el curso virtual “Cobertura periodística de la migración y el refugio venezolano”, dirigido a periodistas de Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador y Perú. Durante tres meses, 62 profesionales se formaron en nuevas tendencias del periodismo de investigación y en el uso de herramientas digitales aplicadas a la cobertura de los procesos migratorios con una perspectiva de derechos humanos. La presente guía reúne los contenidos elaborados por los docentes de este curso a los que se suma un completo glosario de términos imprescindibles para poder contar los procesos migratorios con calidad y precisión." (Prólogo, página 7-8)
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"Recent high-profile scandals raise concerns about how development cooperation is represented. This article examines how the subject gets in the media, examining the tone of voice and framing in newspaper articles and NGO advertisements in the Netherlands. It reveals a remarkable difference between
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newspaper articles and opinion pieces. Regular reports are characterised by, a neutral to slightly positive tone. In contrast, opinion pieces are predominantly negative. The article identifies possible explanations for the critical tone of opinion pieces. It finds that NGOs’ own advertisements may contribute to negative opinion pieces, by problematising the situation in developing countries while rarely demonstrating their impacts achieved." (Abstract)
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"Transnational Korean Television: Cultural Storytelling and Digital Audience provides previously absent analyses of Korean TV dramas' transnational influences, peculiar production features, distribution, and consumption to enrich the contextual understanding of Korean TV's transcultural mobility. Ev
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en as academic discussions about the Korean Wave have heated up, Korean television studies from transnational viewpoints often lack in-depth analysis and overlook the recently extended flow of Korean television beyond Asia. This book illustrates the ecology of Korean television along with the Korean Wave for the past two decades in order to showcase Korean TV dramas' international mobility and its constant expansion with the different Western television and their audiences. Korean TV dramas' mobility in crossing borders has been seen in both transnational and transcultural flows, and the book opens up the potential to observe the constant flow of Korean television content in new places, peoples, manners, and platforms around the world." (Publisher description)
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"Triangulating several methods including automated framing analysis and assessment of textual elements, this study examines how the elite press from three countries frames the Rohingya refugee crisis in 2017. Results from our framing and textual analysis show differences in how the press from the th
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ree countries portrayed the crisis. Specifically, The Irrawaddy (Myanmar) tends to incorporate a nationalist narrative into news content, playing down the violence used against Rohingyas. The New Nation (Bangladesh) frames the crisis according to the country's priorities, focusing its coverage on the humanitarian aspects of the crisis. The New York Times uses a Western hegemonic discourse. Textual analysis indicates that although the same words are used in the frames of the Rohingya crisis, some represent different meanings. Findings are discussed using the lens of ideological and cultural influence." (Abstract)
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"This Issue Paper examines nearly 1,500 news articles from four EU member states (Germany, Italy, Spain and the Czech Republic) published between May 2019 and July 2020. It shows that disinformation narratives about migration seek to exploit readers’ fears to polarise public opinion, manufacture d
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iscontent, sow divisions and set the political agenda. Disinformation actors link migration to existing insecurities, depicting it as a threat to three partly-overlapping areas: Health (migrants as violent criminals, potential terrorists, or a COVID-19 infection risk); Wealth (migrants as social benefits cheats, unfair competition for jobs, or a drain on community resources); Identity (migrants as a hostile invasion force, a threat to European or Christian traditions, or the subject of a conspiracy to replace white Europeans). An effective communication strategy based on alternative narratives should take account of the following recommendations: The message should aim to reframe the debate. It should resonate with the target audience’s lived experience, acknowledging their values and concerns, but avoid amplifying anxieties [...] The medium should aim to restore trust among groups. Institutions, which are often subject to discrediting campaigns, should prioritise communication through trusted intermediaries who can get messages to the hard-to-reach [...] The selection of the audience should aim to reclaim readers from the fringes. Audiences should be targeted based on their values and what they feel is important." (Executive summary)
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"Given the size and scope of the Russian propaganda campaign that targeted the U.S. electorate in 2016, it is critical to understand both the impact of that campaign and the mechanisms that can reduce the impact of future campaigns. This report, the third in a four-part series, describes a study con
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ducted by RAND researchers to assess how people react to and engage with Russia’s online propaganda and to determine whether the negative effects of that engagement can be mitigated by brief media literacy advisories or by labeling the source of the propaganda. Russia targets the extremes on both sides of the political divide, and a short media literacy video and labeling intervention were both shown to reduce willingness among particular categories of participants (defined by news consumption habits) to “like” the propaganda. This is one of the first studies to show that Russian propaganda content works, at least partially, as it is intended to—that is, it successfully elicits strong partisan responses that may help it exacerbate divisions in American society. For certain audiences, the content is also likeable and sharable. This study is among the first to use actual Russian propaganda in a randomized controlled trial." (Back cover)
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"This report analyses a persistent, large-scale influence campaign linked to Chinese state actors on Twitter and Facebook. This activity largely targeted Chinese-speaking audiences outside of the Chinese mainland (where Twitter is blocked) with the intention of influencing perceptions on key issues,
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including the Hong Kong protests, exiled Chinese billionaire Guo Wengui and, to a lesser extent Covid-19 and Taiwan. Extrapolating from the takedown dataset, to which we had advanced access, given to us by Twitter, we have identified that this operation continues and has pivoted to try to weaponise the US Government’s response to current domestic protests and create the perception of a moral equivalence with the suppression of protests in Hong Kong." (https://www.aspi.org.au)
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"Since the start of the Trump era, the United States and the Western world has finally begun to wake up to the threat of online warfare and the attacks from Russia. The question no one seems to be able to answer is: what can the West do about it? Central and Eastern European states, however, have be
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en aware of the threat for years. Nina Jankowicz has advised these governments on the front lines of the information war. The lessons she learnt from that fight, and from her attempts to get US congress to act, make for essential reading. How to Lose the Information War takes the reader on a journey through five Western governments' responses to Russian information warfare tactics - all of which have failed. She journeys into the campaigns the Russian operatives run, and shows how we can better understand the motivations behind these attacks and how to beat them. Above all, this book shows what is at stake: the future of civil discourse and democracy, and the value of truth itself." (Publisher description)
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"This collections of case-studies, best practices and learnings provided by cross-border practitioners of Europe wants to help everyone who is interested in the cross-border method, who wants to start cross-border projects or wants to gain more cross-border skills." (Publisher description)
"As the United States engages with the Taliban in a peace process that might return them to influence within Afghanistan, concerns are rising regarding the future status of Afghan women. In this background, this article returns to the much studied subject of the portrayal of Afghan women in Western
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news media through Orientalist stereotypes. Noting the lack of Afghan perspectives in previous research on this topic, the study investigates the views and practices of Afghan photojournalists, who have today come to replace international photojournalists in the country, when it comes to ‘picturing Afghan women’ for Western audiences. It sheds light on the day-to-day professional activities of these photojournalists when producing images of Afghan women for Western audiences. It goes on to explore Afghan photojournalists’ perceptions about how Afghan women have been and are being portrayed in Western news media. Finally, it reports on how most of these Afghan photojournalists may perpetuate the same stereotypes about Afghan women for Western audiences because hierarchies in the international ‘visual gatekeeping chain’ supersede the Afghan photojournalists’ power to shape visual narratives and coupled with the need to earn an income as precarious labor, their individual self-reflexivity regarding picturing Afghan women are suppressed. The study also notes how photographing Afghan women causes risks for Afghan photojournalists as well as the Afghan women who are photographed. Attention is called to this hitherto invisible ethical concern that lives are jeopardized to validate Western savior narratives regarding Afghan women through images." (Abstract)
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