"Looking at media involvement in Africa, one can only state that the continent is more important than ever. Next to traditional actors like the BBC or Radio France International, and to a smaller extent of Deutsche Welle or Radio Swiss International, there are new players. They do not seem to have t
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he same agendas as the older ones, but they bring about new versions of journalism, of attempted influence and propaganda. What differentiates them is, in the case of China, that funds do not seem to matter much. In the case of Turkey, that more and more scholarships are being offered and when it comes to Russia, that old alliances of the USSR in the Cold War are being reactivated. What separates them even further from the old players are the values that they stand for and try to propagate. They are offering a journalism that praises their own autocratic models of rule and, in the case of China in particular, they promote a positive journalism, that does not ask uneasy questions, a journalism that does not offend or hurt, but that usually pleases the powers-that-be." (Foreword)
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"Die Medieninhaltsanalysen in Kapitel 2 zeigen, dass Entwicklungspolitik absolut und anteilig betrachtet in den Medien nur eine geringe Rolle spielt. Während der ersten Monate der Corona-Pandemie Anfang 2020 ging die Aufmerksamkeit, die TV-Nachrichten und Beiträge in Printmedien auf das Themenfeld
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richteten, weiter zurück. Auf Twitter konnte dieser negative Trend allerdings nicht beobachtet werden. Insgesamt legen die Ergebnisse nahe, dass die mediale Berichterstattung nicht dazu führen dürfte, dass die Bevölkerung dem Thema Entwicklungspolitik große Aufmerksamkeit schenkt. Die Themenfelder, an die entwicklungspolitische Inhalte anknüpfen, variieren zwischen den untersuchten Mediengattungen. Flucht und Migration spielen jedoch in allen drei Gattungen (TV, Print, Twitter) eine wichtige Rolle. In TV-Nachrichten der öffentlich-rechtlichen Sender und in Zeitungsartikeln wird Entwicklungspolitik häufig im Zusammenhang mit Krieg und Konflikt erwähnt. Auf Twitter tritt Entwicklungspolitik häufig mit Bezug zu Klimawandel und Epidemien auf. Dabei befasst sich die Berichterstattung in TV-Nachrichten und Printmedien hauptsächlich mit staatlichen und internationalen politischen Akteuren. Akteure aus dem zivilgesellschaftlichen Bereich sind hingegen stärker auf Twitter präsent. Die Tonalität der Berichterstattung über Entwicklungspolitik fällt in der regionalen Presse positiver aus als in der überregionalen. Letztere berichtet in der Tendenz eher neutral. Auf Twitter wird hingegen mit positiverer Tonalität über das Themenfeld kommuniziert." (Zusammenfassung, Seite vii-viii)
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"This handbook enables journalism educators worldwide to address one of the challenges of the 21st century – migration and refugee matters. In a set of thirteen modules, journalism educators are provided with a comprehensive curriculum. It covers all aspects needed to train analysis, research, pre
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sentation, marketing, and ethics of migration coverage. The handbook is unique as it comprises results of communication studies as well as political and social sciences. It has been developed by an international and cross-cultural group of media researchers, media educators and media practitioners. Journalism educators will be enabled to jump-start a new curriculum. Journalism students will learn that matters of migration and forced displacement are concerned about human beings and therefore require knowledge and awareness of accurate facts, reliable sources, ethical reporting and good practices. Experienced journalists will benefit from using the volume as a self-learning tool, and media development organizations may adapt the curriculum to their training plans." (Short summary, page III)
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"Focusing on the public sphere, the book follows the assumption that solidarity is a social value, political concept and legal principle that is discursively constructed in public contentions. The analysis refers systematically and comparatively to eight European countries, namely, Denmark, France,
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Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Treatment of data is also original in the way it deals with variations of public spheres by combining a news media claims-making analysis with a social media reception analysis. In particular, the book highlights the prominent role of the mass media in shaping national and transnational solidarity, while exploring the readiness of the mass media to extend thick conceptions of solidarity to non-members. It proposes a research design for the comparative analysis of online news reception and considers the innovative potential of this method in relation to established public opinion research." (Publisher description)
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"Die Debatten um die Anerkennung des Ovaherero- und Nama-Genozids (1904-1908) im heutigen Namibia haben in den letzten beiden Jahrzehnten wachsende öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit erhalten. Kaya de Wolff hat die deutschsprachige Presseberichterstattung in den Jahren 2001 bis 2016 über den Umgang mit de
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n Verbrechen deutscher Kolonialtruppen untersucht. Sie zeigt, aufgrund welcher Anlässe und auf welche Weisen medial an die historischen Ereignisse erinnert wird, welche Stimmen dabei (nicht) gehört werden und welche gesellschaftlichen Machtverhältnisse und Normen den Anerkennungskampf der Nachfahr*innen der Opfer bedingen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The size of China’s State-owned media’s operations in Africa has grown significantly since the early 2000s. Previous research on the impact of increased Sino-African mediated engagements has been inconclusive. Some researchers hold that public opinion toward China in African nations has been im
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proving because of the increased media presence. Others argue that the impact is rather limited, particularly when it comes to affecting how African media cover China-related stories. This article contributes to this debate by exploring the extent to which news media in 30 African countries relied on Chinese news sources to cover China and the COVID-19 outbreak during the first-half of 2020. By computationally analyzing a corpus of 500,000 written news stories, this paper shows that, compared to other major global players (e.g. Reuters, AFP), content distributed by Chinese media (e.g. Xinhua, China Daily) is much less likely to be used by African news organizations, both in English and French speaking countries. The analysis also reveals a gap in the prevailing themes in Chinese and African media’s coverage of the pandemic. The implications of these findings for the sub-field of Sino-African media relations, and the study of global news flows are discussed." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the effects of media coverage on the Rohingya refugee crisis based on articles from two liberal, elite newspaper sources, The New York Times and The Guardian between 2010 and 2020. The study reveals that the attempts of international pressure to stop the crisis have increased th
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rough media coverage and political pressures; however, the number of Rohingya refugees fleeing Myanmar intensified due to worsening violence and human rights violations committed by the Myanmar army. Findings are discussed using the lens of cultural and ideological context. The study suggests that in Myanmar, where authoritarian military culture is pervasive, there is a limited influence of the international press on the state-sponsored ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya population and questions whether consistent international pressure could have changed the outcome." (Abstract)
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"The geopolitical implications of the Covid-19 pandemic, which has dislocated global life, shaken economies and caused over 4 million deaths, continue to play out. For China’s ruling Communist Party (CCP), China’s status as the virus’ origin posed political risks, heightened by international s
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peculation about the disease’s origins and criticism of Chinese authorities’ early handling of the outbreak. But with the virus relatively quickly brought largely under control at home, the pandemic has also offered the CCP political opportunities. With Xi Jinping (General Secretary since 2012) determined to reinvigorate Party rule and lead China to the centre of the world stage in what he has dubbed a ‘New Era’, Beijing has acted decisively both to mitigate the risks and seize the strategic opportunities created by the pandemic [...] › In Africa, Beijing has positioned itself as the solution to the virus, rather than its origin. It has provided medical supplies in a broad-based, ongoing campaign; donors include not only government entities but also Chinese companies and diaspora groups. Chinese medics with experience of treating the Coronavirus have been mobilised to share expertise with African counterparts. China has provided upwards of 16 million doses of Chinese produced vaccines to 31 African countries, often as donations (including as ‘samples’ ahead of potential sales). The delivery of this support has been designed for maximum visibility, with high-level handover ceremonies and media coverage used by Chinese ambassadors to promote CCP talking points. Just as importantly, Beijing has sought to shape narratives, speaking through a multifaceted messaging apparatus developed in Africa in recent years to ‘tell China’s stories’ to African audiences, both elite and popular. Africa was the first step in a major global expansion of Chinese Party-State media, with Africa-focused television, radio and text output. State media are increasingly joined by Africa-based diplomats taking to social media such as Twitter and Facebook – where some have adopted the strident voice of China’s so-called ‘Wolf Warrior diplomacy’." (At a glance, page 2)
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"En Afrique francophone, les chiffres d’audience des radios internationales, et en particulier de RFI, diffèrent fortement d’une ville à l’autre, d’un pays à l’autre. Parmi les pays où la radio demeure très écoutée, figure la République démocratique du Congo (RDC), le pays francop
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hone le plus peuplé du continent. Alors que la RDC n’est pas une ancienne colonie française, la présence de RFI y est importante. Installée en FM à Kinshasa et dans 8 autres villes, avec, pendant des années, un.e correspondant.e permanent.e expatrié.e, et de nombreux partenariats avec des radios locales, RFI accorde sans aucun doute de l’importance à la RDC dans ses stratégies de déploiement." (Introduction)
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"China is an increasingly major player in the latest global economic configuration. As a formerly developing nation, China has the potential to view the world through a lens distinctive from current Western hegemonies in its news media and soft power strategies. China has already invested heavily in
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the African continent and South Africa specifically, including in its news media. Some research has suggested that non-Western, non-democratic countries might have a different approach to international news coverage, including more positive and constructive coverage that diverges from Western news coverage (which is often seen as unnuanced and unequal). A content analysis of Chinese print news media thus examined if Chinese news media's construction of South African reality differs from previous Western social constructions. The research analysed China Daily, a newspaper closely a liated with the Chinese Communist Party, as well as South China Morning Post (SCMP), an independent, privately-owned publication from Hong Kong. It investigated whether these papers use constructive journalism to cover South Africa, and how their coverage diverged and overlapped. The research found that there are observable differences on an ontological scale, and that both papers have different foci of interest and affective slant which diverge from Western news sources. However, similar to Western sources, both papers are largely not constructive on topics relating to South Africa, and are overall disinterested in local events in South Africa, reproducing the same inequalities in news reportage that exist with the current global hegemonic order." (Abstract)
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"To arrive at a careful evaluation of impact, this report concentrates on how the tactics of China’s influence operations have evolved during the first year of the pandemic. Looking at China’s key priority of information control, the first section conceptualizes the adaptation of influence opera
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tions to align with this preference while taking advantage of the global reach of social media. Building on this understanding, section two explores the ways in which Chinese influence operations have attempted to systematically exploit carve-outs that have emerged from how social media have regulated official statements and newsworthy content. Section three analyzes in more detail the integrated messaging apparatus China has sought to develop, in particular in respect of the specific roles that China’s diplomatic network, state media, and fake social media accounts play in creating, shaping, and promoting narratives. Unpacking China’s attempts to distinguish its endeavor of narrative control from disinformation campaigns, section four examines China’s responses to accusations of disinformation and steps taken by social media companies and by targeted states to address this specific tactic. The report concludes with evaluating the potential implications of China’s influence operations in terms of their immediate objective to shape international perceptions of China’s actions during the pandemic and raises attention about the capabilities developed in this process and their potential deployment in case of a further deterioration of relations with China." (Executive summary, page 4-5)
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"This analysis examines the methods of disinformation being used to prove Russia's scientific lead, while portraying Western compet-itors in a very negative light. Sputnik V is an instrument of "soft power" through which Russia is trying to gain influence worldwide. In order to evaluate how successf
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ul the Russian infor-mation policy was, this analysis examines the perception of the benefits of Sputnik V in six different countries. In early 2021, Kazakhstan’s and Serbia’s relations to Russia were positively affected. Similar opportunities would have existed for Germany and Slovakia, since both governments were very willing to cooperate with Russia. In the case of Germany, however, this opportunity was lost due to a lack of cooperation and transparency on Russia’s part. In Slovakia, the government crisis over the use of Sputnik V has had a detrimental effect. For France and Great Britain, neither an improvement of the epidemiological situation through the Russian vaccine nor a success of the overall Sputnik V campaign are expected. This analysis is based on 130 news reports from the Russian state-owned media RT and Sputnik, the international press and the Russian independent press." (Summary)
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"China has used Covid to benefit its global image through the activation of existing media dissemination channels overseas and the use of new tactics such as disinformation and misinformation. China’s largescale medical diplomacy campaign has also provided propaganda wins in many developing countr
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ies, burnishing Beijing’s image as a reliable partner. Anecdotal reports indicate that Beijing has stepped up its content offerings, in particular by tailoring content including disinformation for specific countries and translating state-run messages into local languages. In some countries, China was also seen as the purveyor of the most accurate information about the new coronavirus, showing its growing influence over global narratives. For Beijing, Covid diplomacy clearly offers another means through which it can exert its influence. This research shows that countries that are recipients of China’s Covid vaccine clearly have more positive coverage of China, but it cannot draw conclusions as to the factors behind that. This strategy has largely been acceptable to global journalists, who — judging by the results of our focus groups in three separate countries — do not perceive China’s advances as a threat at a national level. Such views are in part due to the incremental nature of the changes, the clumsiness of China’s propaganda effort and the irrelevance of much of the material provided to local audiences. However, the survey does reveal that when viewed globally, there does appear to be more concern about China’s influence, in particular in the Asia Pacific region. The survey indicates that the overall impact of Beijing’s outreach is a redrawing of the global media landscape — one story at a time, one country at a time — shifting the China coverage in a more positive direction. China is using a multi-pronged approach to redraw the information landscape to benefit its own global image. In 2020, Beijing effectively shut down journalistic access to China, through visa denials and freezes, partly driven by international border closures. This had the effect of creating a vacuum in China coverage, creating a demand for stories from China, which could then be filled with statesponsored content already available through content-sharing agreements." (Conclusions, page 7)
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"There is a worldwide increase in hostility against journalists who report for external audiences, which especially impedes reporting from conflict areas and on important social and political matters. Some political leaders have sought to discredit and delegitimize both journalists from abroad and l
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ocals doing foreign correspondence, by branding them as threats to state security or spreaders of false information. When taking arbitrary actions and applying disproportionate restrictions on journalists reporting for external media, state authorities are breaching their obligations under international law. Mobilizations to strengthen protections for journalists’ safety and stamp out impunity have won increased support from governments, the legal community and other stakeholders; but the importance of protecting foreign correspondents merits more international attention." (Key trends, page 1)
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"How does Chinese central media represent Africa through its environmental news? This article argues that the way in which Chinese central media organisations have reported environmental issues across the African continent has altered from a reactive “charm defensive” towards the promotion of a
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developmental model: “Ecological Civilisation”. Based on a critical discourse analysis of headline African news published by the Xinhua News Agency, this research illustrates the emergence of this new, unexpected turn in Chinese representations of Africa, as well as highlighting the coherencies and tensions within this discourse. Questioning why this change in the emphasis of content has occurred, it investigates explanations at the macro-, mezzo-, and micro-levels of analysis, concluding that the evidence indicates that Xinhua’s content remains closely linked to the soft power goals of the Chinese Communist Party. However, the presence of risk discourses in some reports indicates that the hegemonic discourse is altering. This could potentially be the result of Xinhua’s own commercial objectives in Africa, or of the subjectivities of individual Xinhua journalists seeping into reports." (Abstract)
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"Based on a literature review through January 2021, evaluated at an expert seminar, this policy brief provides a baseline analysis of changing tactics, narratives, and distribution strategies in Russian and Chinese information operations (IOs) relating to the covid-19 pandemic. Key findings: China c
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opied Russia’s tactics, spreading disinformation globally for the first time, particularly on the virus’s origins. But it lacks Russia’s skillset. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) turned to destructive and conspiratorial narratives in an attempt to blunt criticism of its initial failure to contain Covid-19. China’s previous approach built economic ties and influence with political elites, whereas Russia’s lies and disruption targeted broader public opinion. Russia’s approach evolved little; it recycled previous narratives, spreading a broad range of covid-19 disinformation. Evidence supports the theory that Russia seeks to strengthen itself in relative terms by weakening the West, while China seeks to strengthen itself in absolute terms. Collaboration agreements between state media and circular amplification of narratives during the pandemic do not (yet) amount to evidence of strategic Sino-Russian coordination." (Executive summary)
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"In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden journalistische Arbeitsbedingungen während der Kriege im auseinanderbrechenden Jugoslawien untersucht. Anhand von Experteninterviews mit deutschsprachigen Journalistinnen und Journalisten, die in den 1990er Jahren in den Kriegsgebieten tätig waren, wird rückblic
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kend analysiert, wie sie den vielfältigen Herausforderungen begegneten. Wie waren die Arbeitsbedingungen während der Kriege? Welche Konsequenzen wurden daraus gezogen? Inwiefern haben die dramatischen Erfahrungen die weitere Arbeit geprägt? Darüber hinaus erfolgt eine Charakterisierung und Typisierung der Berichterstattenden auf dem Balkan. Mythen und Klischees, die sich um den Beruf reihen, werden auf den Prüfstand gestellt. Im Weiteren wird der Umgang mit der Komplexität vor Ort und der journalistischen Norm der Objektivität in der Berichterstattung untersucht. Die zeitliche Distanz ermöglicht es, die einstigen Erlebnisse zu reflektieren. Um diese Einsichten zu gewinnen, wurden zehn Journalistinnen und Journalisten aus Presse und Rundfunk interviewt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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