"This report summarises the presentations and recommendations made at the Conference on Media Development in Myanmar organised by the Myanmar Ministry of Information and Culture and UNESCO in cooperation with International Media Support (IMS) and Canal France International with support from the Gove
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rnments of Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The conference, held on 19–20 March 2012 in Yangon was historic as it was among the first of its kind to be held specifically on media development in Myanmar. The conference brought together a wide spectrum of Myanmar and international media specialists and media support organisations, donors and Myanmar government representatives to discuss media development and the way forward for the Fourth Estate in Myanmar. One aspect that set the conference apart was the involvement of members of the Myanmar exile media, including Mizzima, Democratic Voice of Burma, and Irrawaddy Magazine. Their presence indicated a major shift in the government’s attitude towards press freedom and a commitment to media reform." (Introduction, page 6)
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Examining the media of one of the world’s most censored societies, this report finds that the Syrian media is under increasing threat but identifies growing use of new media to circumvent old restrictions.
"Despite years of stock taking, donors to media development still have a number of blind spots that prevent their interventions from being more effective. In particular, media development stakeholders could improve their efforts by applying aid effectiveness principles to their practice. When examin
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ing media development assistance over the last two decades, certain patterns become clear. The consensus among media development practitioners is that media development supports all other development, both economic development and good governance, directly and indirectly. At the same time, donors often use media to promote stability, democracy, and development. Donors to media development rarely articulate a precise theory of change at the outset of their interventions. Generally, however, modernization theory–the idea that Western-style, top-down mass media would transform developing societies into “modern” nations along the same path as their Western counterparts–seems to be still unconsciously driving much of contemporary practice even though the theory itself has been long discredited." (Executive summary)
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"The process of communication between individuals and institutions was central to the formation of the World Council of Churches in 1948. Yet communication is often taken for granted, being understood as a tool to advance the organizational objectives of ecumenical organizations. Only on occasions h
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as the ecumenical movement in its organized expressions engaged in intentional reflection on the theological, societal and ecumenical challenges posed by communication." (Abstract)
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"As Africa becomes increasingly urban, the reach and use of mobile telephones and other portable digital devices inevitably are becoming a mass medium. This shift creates new opportunities for existing broadcasters and publishers. And it creates new opportunities for a much larger number of new inde
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pendent media, including new providers of news, information, education, health care, entertainment–and program streams combining many or all of these elements. It also creates new ways for citizens to monitor and petition their governments. And it creates new avenues for governments to reach and influence citizens, for good or ill." (Conclusion)
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"Durch ein vom Europäischen Flüchtlingsfonds (EFF) gefördertes einjähriges Projekt hat Reporter ohne Grenzen erstmals versucht, mehr über die Lebenssituation von nach Deutschland geflohenen Journalisten oder Bloggern in Erfahrung zu bringen. Dabei ging es vor allem darum, welche konkreten Probl
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eme im Asylverfahren und danach auftauchen und die Journalisten daran hindern, ihre berufliche Tätigkeit fortzusetzen. Die im März 2011 gestartete Umfrage basierte auf mehrsprachigen Fragebögen (Deutsch, Englisch, Farsi, Russisch), die an die Zielgruppe versandt hat. Den Kontakt zu den Betroffenen stellte das Nothilfereferat direkt oder indirekt über Kooperationspartner (Flüchtlingsräte, Beratungsstellen) her. Der vorliegende Bericht stützt sich auf die Aussagen von Medienschaffenden, mit denen das Nothilfereferat bereits zusammengearbeitet oder im Verlauf des Projekts Kontakt aufgenommen hat. Er erhebt nicht den Anspruch, repräsentativ für die Situation von Journalisten im Exil in Deutschland zu sein. Ausgehend von 59 versendeten Fragebögen, von denen Reporter ohne Grenzen 49 ausgefüllt zurück erhielt, kann aber von vergleichsweise relevanten Erkenntnissen ausgegangen werden." (Einführung, Seite 2)
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"Through a series of qualitative interviews with a range of media stakeholders, the ultimate conclusion of this thesis is that the media landscape in Cambodia is diverse –with some (mostly foreign-owned and run) able to operate freely and independently, while others (most local Khmer media, partic
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ularly broadcast media) are not. While media development activities over the course of the last 20 years have been clearly beneficial to improving the quality of the media, many factors are preventing all media in Cambodia from becoming free, independent and sustainable. A lack of political will, improper legal intimidation, politicisation of the media, a lack of journalistic ethic and professionalism (among some), unsupportive institutional frameworks, media illiteracy among the broader population and little coordination of media development efforts are just some of the barriers that hinder real improvement in this critical sector." (Abstract, page 4)
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"The present text explains how the Media Sustanability Index has refined its instrument and procedures to better capture the impact of social media." (Abstract)
"Donor funded media development is a relatively new phenomenon, resulting in minimal impact. Modest gains have been made: technical improvements in television production, some better skilled journalists, development of journalists’ associations and a code of ethics, and greater citizen engagement.
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However, balanced and in-depth reports are scant and there remains limited space for freedom of expression. Professional media reports based on fact rather than opinion, on a range of sources (especially on a range of political sources) are the exception rather than the rule [...] Improvements require considerable time and effort which often extends beyond the life of a short to medium term donor horizon. AusAID, KAF, UNDP and USAID are current donors who understand this." (Conclusion, page 39)
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"Today, the DRC tops the African charts in the number of registered media outlets, be they print media, radio or television. In 2008, 638 publications were registered country-wide; there were 341 radio stations and 82 television stations, although TV is still an essentially urban phenomenon, given t
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he lack of access to electricity. Despite this hugely diverse media landscape, citizens in the provinces are often deprived of access to information, as the media are most concentrated in the capital city, Kinshasa. Congolese media outlets are characterized by poor content, a severe shortage of material and technical capacity, and significant sustainability problems. Journalists work in an unsafe environment, lack regular salaries and protection, and regularly struggle with threats to press freedom. The legal and regulatory framework does not provide sufficient guarantees and basic regulations to ensure that media outlets abandon their “informal” practices. The advertising market is still undeveloped and disorganized, providing little financial backing to media companies. The supposedly “public” broadcaster is the mouthpiece of the government, and the only “public service broadcaster” is Radio Okapi, a UN-based station. In such an unfavorable context, the involvement of donors has become increasingly important over the last 20 years. The reasons why donors have intervened and continue to support the media sector are tied to the country’s political situation. The media have thus been supported for a variety of reasons: from 1990 to 1997: to encourage new democratic media freedoms; from 2000 to 2004: to promote a return to peace and reconstruction during negotiations to solve the conflict; from 2004 to 2007: to enable the media to play their part during the electoral process, as the first democratic elections during the last 40 years took place in 2006; from 2007 to 2011: to establish a solid and responsible press likely to take part in the consolidation of democracy. Reaching $80 million over the past ten years, media support by donors and operators has varied, essentially covering five types of activities: the creation of “neutral” and “apolitical” media and content (a recurring strategy in post-conflict countries); direct support (funds or equipment) for a number of outlets; media staff training; strengthening of the sector’s professional organizations and associations; consolidation of public institutions to organize the sector (including regulation and legal reform). Each of these types of interventions has generated both positive impacts and negative effects on individual journalists, newsrooms, media outlets and local organizations in the media sector. Beneficiaries, donors, and INGOs have all advanced their own critiques regarding the ways in which media support initiatives have been designed, implemented and assessed so far. They also make suggestions about how to improve media support in the future, to make it more consistent with the needs of the local Congolese media." (Executive summary, page 6-7
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"Mali’s media remain significantly underdeveloped in terms of business management, audience research and long-term sustainability. Many media organizations remain dependent on donor funding and have done little to develop business models to attract other sources of revenue. There are more than 50
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professional associations and networks that help with training and advocacy, yet they are affected by conflicts of interests that undermine their efforts. There is no school of journalism, and media-related trainings are short-term and often centered around the shifting priorities of donors. There is no union to protect the rights of journalists and to help them in circumstances of legal persecution or harassment. It is also clear that donor priorities and programs are not doing enough to ensure the continued development of a strong independent media system. Over the past 20 years, funding has shifted from programs designed to strengthen independent media to programs that see media as tools to disseminate development information." (Conclusion, page 33)
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"Peru’s media development landscape is uniquely characterized by prolonged funding of community radios by the Catholic Church, beginning in the 1960s and continuing until today. This activity appears to redress to some degree the lack of balanced development between Lima and the provinces. The 199
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0s was detrimental for freedom of the press and media development due to the Fujimori government’s control over the flow of information. Towards the end of the 1990s and as the country transitioned to the post-Fujimori era in the 2000s, funding for media development has focused primarily on promoting ethical journalistic practices, decentralizing the flow of information, democracy, institutional accountability, transparency, and programs dedicated to public health and gender issues. Two important laws were passed during the decade of the 2000s—the Transparency and Access to Information Law (2002) and the Radio and Television Law (2004). Media development is not necessarily the only or primary activity of all NGOs involved in the area. In some cases media is complementary to the NGOs’ other programs. Issues of sustainability are of concern. As Peru is becoming a middle income, stable democracy, donors are reducing their aid. However, in order to secure freedom of the press, decentralize information flows, and further media development, NGOs still need access to international funding." (Executive summary, page 5-6)
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"For the media in Kenya to improve further, the following recommendations emerge from the study: Provide clear regulation that liberates the media at all levels, including in the editorial process; invest in practical training of media professionals to cope with the dynamic media sector and the new
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availability of data from the Kenyan government; encourage participation of all citizens in public debates, by supporting community radios; improve welfare of media practitioners, including remuneration and working conditions; resolve ethical and professional issues in professional journalism; reduce different forms of censorship, including arbitrary, legalized and disguise or covert censorship, such as prohibitive taxation on production materials; invest in media access to increase the market opportunities for new businesses; do not assume that technology alone triggers social change, or that the change that accompanies new technologies are automatically democratic and beneficial; donors should stay informed about Kenyan innovation, and support it in appropriate ways, including helping to create a better enabling environment." (Recommnedations, page 29)
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