"The Pakistani media’s democratising function is constrained by its historic role as a state-building tool. The media remains vulnerable amid on-going threats to media professionals and the limitations imposed by the industry’s financial model, which must rely heavily on advertising revenue. The
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government, military, intelligence agencies, judiciary and non-state actors such as militant groups exploit this vulnerability as part of their competition for political power. The geographic imbalance of the broadcast media in Pakistan further limits the industry’s potential to play a truly national role. But the experience of the last decade shows there are many reasons to be hopeful about the media’s future as a driver of democratic inclusion and accountability in Pakistan. The growth of regional-language television and FM radio stations reflects the country’s ethnolinguistic diversity." (Executive summary)
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"How does media contribute to peacebuilding and reconciliation in a post-conflict environment? This question will be answered in respect to the media produced by the UN and NATO mission in Kosovo (UNMIK and KFOR) from the year 1999 until 2008. The theoretical part of the text will deal with existing
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approaches to peace journalism, effective organizational communication and media effects theories. In the empirical part, the evaluation will first focus on the content of the media produced by UNMIK and KFOR in Kosovo, followed by the assessment of media production processes in both missions. Last, the dissertation will explore the impact of UNMIK's and KFOR's media within the local Kosovar population." (Back cover)
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"This paper focuses attention on randomised field experiments in the developing world that explicitly address the use of media to achieve democracy and governance (DG) outcomes [...] The first section describes the growth of DG assistance and the increasing interest in DG field experiments. The seco
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nd section describes the domain of media assistance targeted at DG outcomes. The third provides an overview of current experimental and quasi-experimental studies on the intersection between media, democracy and governance. The fourth and fifth sections describe some of the challenges to successfully employing field experiments to inform media assistance programmes. The final section concludes by arguing for the benefits of practitioner-academic collaborations that provide experimental evidence about the influences on as well as the effects of media content related to democracy and governance." (Page 4)
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"This report seeks to provide an immediate overview of the current insecure media environment in which Afghan journalists work and the threat scenario potentially facing them after the 2014 withdrawal of international troops. The aim of the report is to provide input into local and international dis
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cussions on what the focus of media development support should be in Afghanistan in future to ensure that Afghan media can play its crucial role in supporting peaceful and democratic development. The data presented in this report largely stems from on-going monitoring of media workers’ safety carried out by the local body Afghan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) and its safety coordinators and network of volunteers across Afghanistan. The AJSC implements the IMS-established, countrywide Afghan Journalism Safety Mechanism, a set-up that combines a number of components to enable local media workers to survive and provide the public with accurate, reliable information under the most challenging of circumstances." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The findings of this global mapping are organized into five main sections: The role of children, adolescents and youth in peacebuilding; mainstreaming C4D for peacebuilding in the education system; C4D for peacebuilding: adding value to education; most effective C4D approaches used for peacebuildin
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g; measuring results of C4D initiatives in peacebuilding." (Page 5)
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"The 2nd Conference on Media Development in Myanmar took place from May 20-21 2013 in Yangon. With over 300 participants, the conference marked another significant milestone in Myanmar’s media reform process. This report is a summary of the presentations held at this conference. Under the theme
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The Role of Media in Democratic Transitions: Successes, Challenges and the Way Forward”, government officials, private and state-owned media companies, professional journalist associations, academia, civil society representatives and international organisations met to take stock of the media reforms in Myanmar and develop a set of practical recommendations for further media development in the country. The conference was organised by the Ministry of Information (MoI) and the Myanmar Media Development Thematic Working Group (MMDTWG) in partnership with UNESCO and International Media Support (IMS). The theme of the 2013 conference was linked to the previous year’s conference, which focused on media’s potential to strengthen democratic processes, bringing international experience and exposure to Myanmar. This year, the main emphasis was to take stock and bring to the forefront the successes and challenges faced by Myanmar stakeholders. It provided a venue for participants to report on concrete progress achieved in pursuing media development and reforms. The fact that the conference drew over half of its participants from outside Yangon was a testament to the strong regional focus and relevance of this year’s theme." (Introduction, page 5)
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"When violence broke out in the final days of 2007 after a bitterly contested election in Kenya, Internews responded within days, working with journalists who were trying and failing to make sense of the unprecedented post-election conflict that swept across their country. Five and a half years late
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r, Internews has completed the last of its hugely popular projects aimed at training the media in conflict sensitive journalism approaches since 2008. From Mission Possible (2008) and Reporting for Peace (2008-2009), through Land & Conflict Sensitive Journalism (2010-2013), Free and Fair Media (2011-2013), and Talk Check (2013), the organization trained some 750 journalists, using its conflict sensitive journalism and follow-up mentoring methodology geared to the Kenyan context. The result, more than 5,500 conflict-sensitive stories on the peace, reconciliation and reform process published over the years." (Introduction)
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"Egypt’s revolutionary uprising in 2011 raised important questions about the kind of journalism that would be viable in the country’s changing political dynamics. Suddenly the output of bloggers, online radio and social media news operations, which had all formed part of the groundswell of actio
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n against dictatorship and repression, posed an explicit challenge to journalists in state-run and commercial media companies who were more directly subject to government controls. As different interest groups struggle over the country’s future, Naomi Sakr considers emerging visions of journalism in Egypt. In this book she charts recent transformations in Egyptian journalism, exploring diverse approaches to converged media and the place of participatory cross-media networks in expanding and developing the country's body of professional journalists. She analyses journalist’ initiatives for restructuring publicly owned media and securing a safe and open environment in which to work." (Publisher description)
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"L’appui à la couverture médiatique du scrutin vise trois objectifs : offrir une information suffisante au citoyen pour que son choix électoral soit posé en connaissance de cause; garantir le pluralisme à travers la visibilité octroyée aux différentes forces en présence; crédibiliser le
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processus électoral à travers la circulation d’une information fiable permettant aux citoyens de se convaincre de la transparence du scrutin. Un appui efficace à la réalisation de ces objectifs demande une inscription dans le long terme. Il s’agit de modifier durablement les perceptions, les capacités et les pratiques des acteurs concernés avec pour horizon l’échéance électorale. Les médias s’intègrent en outre dans un cadre plus global, mobilisant un large spectre d’acteurs – instance de gestion des élections, parlements, organisations de la société civile, partis politiques, système judiciaire et sécuritaire — dont les objectifs sont parfois contradictoires, interdépendants et s’influencent mutuellement. Mettre l’accent sur ces liens entre médias et autres acteurs de l’élection est également crucial. Le changement politique et social est porté par l’action conjointe des réformateurs au sein de chaque groupe, et de militants dans les zones d’interaction entre ces groupes. Concrètement, s’inscrire dans le long terme et en interaction avec les autres acteurs de l’élection conduit à privilégier une approche dans le cadre du cycle électoral : l’appui aux processus électoraux et l’assistance aux médias en période électorale sont conçus de manière cyclique, d’une échéance à l’autre." (Recommendations, page 24)
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"Global and regional networks of investigative journalists, backed by donors and fueled by globalization and an explosion in data and communications technology, are growing increasingly effective and sophisticated. Journalists are linking up as never before to collaborate on stories involving intern
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ational crime, unaccountable businesses, environmental degradation, safety and health problems, and other hard-to-report issues. Strategic investments into investigative journalism programs can have significant positive impact in a wide range of countries, including those in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Such funding will be most effective if it is long term and integrated into broader initiatives that include legal reform and freedom of information. Despite its frontline role in fostering accountability, battling corruption, and raising media standards, investigative reporting receives relatively little support - about 2 percent of global media development funding by major donors. Nonprofit investigative reporting organizations, now numbering 106 in 47 countries, have been pivotal drivers of the global spread of investigative journalism. These include reporting centers, training institutes, professional associations, grant-making groups, and online networks." (Executive summary)
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"Is it possible to introduce, in a sustainable manner, investigative reporting practices and non-profit centers into media contexts that lack the basic preconditions necessary for the development of investigative reporting? The answer seems rather multifaceted and far from obvious or definite. For e
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xample, the effects of investigative journalism training programs and assistance for story production are questionable. The direct results of the numerous donor projects and programs aimed at improving the skills and knowledge of local journalists and the media about high-quality journalism are not readily apparent as the participants of such programs have had to return to media outlets that lack the basic resources to put the skills and knowledge they gained into practice. However, the potential cumulative impact of such initiatives should not be dismissed, as knowledge and skills spread through newsrooms, NGOs, and journalism schools. The long-term impact of such efforts remains a worthy subject for future studies, though it goes beyond the ambitions of this research. Similarly, the effects of the assistance towards the production of investigative content by media and individuals are unclear as the practice rarely continues beyond donor support due to unsupportive newsrooms and lack of funding. When looking into the effects of the two non-profit investigative reporting centers that were the focus of this paper, the situation becomes much clearer. Namely, both centers have a regular output of high-quality stories, featured in the media of their countries and have achieved some significant impact with their stories. It is safe to say that CIN and CINS are functional media organizations, which fulfill a need in media markets with a serious lack of professional investigative reporting and a lack of independent media." (Final remarks, page 49)
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"The origins of media development can be found in post World War II Europe and the industry grew as a more significant aspect of international aid work in the 1980s and the 1990s, following the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the former Soviet Union. It was hoped that exporting the concept o
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f a free and independent press would foster democracy in post-communist and transitional countries. While it is debated on how successful these projects were, questions are now being asked about the relevance of media development model itself, the liberal press ideology behind the training projects and what place these now have in the new media landscape." (Abstract)
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"The demands of public diplomacy have shifted with the development of social media technologies. Increasingly, governments are required to gauge and respond to public sentiment over and above the one-way communication of broadcast media. The social media and accompanying elevated public role have co
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mplicated the decision-making process in China to the extent of potentially influencing its outward engagements. On the receiving end of China’s diplomacy is Africa, which is undergoing its own important technological changes. South Africa’s domestic circumstances, however, demonstrate that larger factors can override online sentiment. In two such important regions in the world, it is important to consider whether these domestic changes are likely to strengthen or undermine future China–Africa future relations." (Abstract)
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"The case of BiH demonstrates that media reform is a slow, time-consuming process, which is closely related to the consolidation of democratic institutions that foster free media. The four case studies presented here amply demonstrate a deep tension between externally-driven reform initiatives and t
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he democratization agenda on one hand, and the complex set of contextual challenges to the reforms on the other. Our findings support Mcloughlin and Scott who claim that media reforms "can only produce results at the same pace as democratic evolution in a given country, and should be integrated into broader democratic governance reform." (Conclusion, page 57)
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"This briefing examines how current media trends are affecting state and societal fragility, both positively and negatively, and argues that the role of a free and plural media should be prioritised rather than marginalised in fragile states policy. The paper provides case studies on the role and im
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pact of the media in Afghanistan, Iraq, Kenya and Somalia, examines some of the main academic and policy debates that have characterised discussion around media and fragile states, and also considers the role of public service broadcasting in fragile states. According to the executive summary "support to the media in fragile states designed to minimise the risk of division and maximise the opportunities for dialogue should feature more prominently in assistance to such states." (CAMECO Update November 2013)
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"The cases from B&H and Kosovo show that three straightforward regulatory practices can make a significant impact in a relatively short time. What is needed is an independent and legitimate regulator, a set of laws and guidelines against incendiary media, and an accompanying set of laws in protectio
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n of free speech. Obviously, this three-pronged framework does not constitute an entire regulatory regime for media. It cannot guarantee peace, but it can enable individuals at all levels of society to make better decisions about whether or not to support or participate in a conflict. The scope of regulatory practice in conflict must be seen as a long term process. On one hand, media regulation exists to prevent the escalation of conflict. On the other hand, it exists to maintain a media environment conducive to promotion of a functioning democratic society. Media democratization is a long-lasting process of legal reform and a purview of legal experts, and it usually evolves with the rest of the democratic processes. It requires legal, technical and even engineering expertise. The end goal of the process is to develop a modern regulatory framework for the media which supports and protects general media freedoms. In the short term, the initial phase of the media democratization process must be concerned with the prevention of conflict escalation and protection of media and their rights and freedoms." (Conclusion)
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"This report summarizes the findings of the learning group that was formed by the three grantees of USIP’s 2011 Communication for Peacebuilding priority grant program: Radio La Benevolencija in the Democratic Republic of Congo; Internews Network in the Central African Republic; and The World Polic
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y Institute in Kenya. The purpose of the learning group was to facilitate knowledge-sharing, mutual learning, joint dissemination, and collaboration. The group met from September 20-21, 2012, at Internews headquarters in Washington, DC to debrief and discuss their projects." (Executive summary)
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"BBC Media Action has made strengthening the evidence base of reports, data sets, and analysis about the role of media and communication in democratic development a priority. Yet, the extent to which different donor organizations, foundations, think tanks, practitioners, and academics utilize resear
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ch in general and BBC Media Action research in particular, remains uncertain. To shed greater light on this question, in October 2012, the Center for Global Communication Studies at the Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania, conducted a quantitative survey followed by in-depth, structured interviews with 57 development stakeholders from four areas of development: governance, humanitarian response, health, and resilience. These research methods were used to investigate: (1) prevailing perceptions about and uses of media among assorted development stakeholders, (2) the extent to which these stakeholders are familiar with and utilize existing research concerning media development and media for development, (3) if and how funders are using this research to decide funding and policy making priorities, and (4) the specific impact of research and evidence initiated by BBC Media Action." (Executive summary)
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"At an international level, the media development community should advocate for standards governing media cross-ownership limitations, best practices in media licensing, and the licensing of the broadcast spectrum. States should adopt net neutrality and support increased uncensored access to social
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media and Internet news sources. They should scrutinize media ownership sales and declare non-transparent sales of media companies illegitimate and make their ownership visible. Media owners, governments, and media development funders and practitioners must modify the belief that advertising will always automatically support independent media. It won’t. It is not in any advertiser’s business model to underwrite news reporting; first and foremost, it is their fiduciary duty to build their own customer bases. If that means redirecting marketing strategies to more effective platforms, they will. And they have. The media development community should commit to aggressively accelerating the financial management, business, advertising, and digital media skills of media managers, particularly in transitional countries. When entering transitional markets, media outlets should first conduct audience research to establish a baseline for advertising rates. Cronyism and coercion lack force when advertisers, particularly large international advertisers, are given legitimate choices among alternatives. Media developers should support independent community and investigative reporting, especially local radio, through multiple funding sources, including helping to build local revenue bases, even if they exist outside traditional media business models." (Recommendations, page 31)
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