"During the reporting period 2018-2021, UNESCO has worked closely with Kenyan youth leaders, media professionals, parliamentarians and religious leaders to encourage the government to adopt a Draft National Media and Information Literacy Strategy. The first outcome realized during this period was th
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e drafting of the Media and Information Literacy Curriculum for Teachers in Kenya. It was prepared through a consultative process – led by the Centre for MIL in Kenya. It was an adaptation of UNESCO’s Model Media and Information Literacy Curriculum for Teachers, while ensuring that the developed curriculum conforms to Kenya’s national curriculum policy, competency-based education and training policy framework, and East Africa e-learning strategy. The second outcome was the drafting of the first Media and Information Literacy Policy and Strategy document, which was developed through multi-stakeholder consultative process led by the Media Council of Kenya through application of the UNESCO MIL Policy and Strategy Guidelines and Kenya’s national development aspirations, guidelines and policies." (Page 2)
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"What comes next for media development? Though the contributors to this volume [i.e., the special issue focusing on international media development] provide answers from diverse perspectives, they each touch upon questions of agency and localization. The contributors investigate major issues with a
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bearing on media development literature in a bid to explore some conceptual frameworks and lay down a path for an action-oriented practice." (Page 137)
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"This midterm performance evaluation of the United States Agency for International Development’s Assistance to Citizens in Fight Against Corruption Activity (ACFC) and Investigative Journalism Program (IJP) examines the outcomes the activities achieved during the first two and a half years of impl
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ementation. Both activities started in September 2019 and will end in September 2024. The evaluation concluded that the two activities increased citizens’ awareness about and confidence in anticorruption activities of civil society in directly targeted municipalities, and awareness about media anticorruption reporting at a national level. More success stories and a centralized effort to promote results and messaging should follow, and all supported media requires an improved approach to audience engagements. Despite stagnation at the national level, citizens’ engagement in anticorruption increased significantly in affected municipalities, especially through locally based informal groups and CSO initiatives, as well as through well-tailored initiatives for monitoring abuse of public resources in pre-election campaigns and public procurement during the pandemic. The lack of coordination between direct beneficiaries, and with external stakeholders, partially caused by the pandemic, made anticorruption efforts fragmented and less sustainable. The pandemic and political stalemates negatively affected the high-level advocacy initiatives with modest results only in the areas of conflict of interest and public procurement, while the ACFC grantees had some results in their advocacy initiatives. The two activities were effective in getting institutions to process corruption reports and in stopping illegal activities in some of the institutions. Investigative journalism reports resulted in several high-profile corruption cases. Even though judicial effectiveness is improving, citizens’ distrust in judicial and other institutions still hampers gains in reporting corruption." (Abstract)
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"International assistance actors have played an important role in supporting media reforms in Ukraine. Their long-term, continuous efforts planted the seeds for groundbreaking media environment changes during Ukraine’s democratic transition. International donors’ sustained engagement in Ukraine
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laid the groundwork for the major transitions, primarily by facilitating the emergence and development of the vibrant and powerful local civil society. Notwithstanding the prolonged periods of “lost hope” and stagnation, which might have discouraged some other activists from policy development and advocacy, Ukrainian CSMOs have managed to pursue their strategic priorities even under challenging circumstances and quickly consolidated their efforts at a crucial moment in Ukraine’s modern history — right in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity, in the spring of 2014. Ukrainian CSOs were ready and courageous enough to step in when the state and its institutions were extremely weakened and to assume their roles in certain fields. Both the CSMOs and donors jumped at the opportunity presented by the revolution: several innovative media reforms, which had been drafted and redrafted over many years, were adopted in a matter of few weeks in the spring of 2014. That success would have been impossible without the preparatory work done during the preceding years." (Conclusion, page 20)
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"All respondents in the interviews—including those who shared a negative experience of coordination—agreed that at a minimum, sharing information and exploring synergies should be fixtures of the media development landscape in any given country. The positive impact of such activities on value fo
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r money, aid effectiveness, and public perceptions of development programmes was recognised across the board and particularly in the context of the fundamental principles of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. Clearly, the scale of coordination work will depend largely on the volume of programming on the ground. However, even in those countries that see low levels of activity or have a single dominant programme, there was perceived value in introducing media development as a separate thematic strand in wider coordination efforts. The format and structure inherent in the selected coordination mechanism will also be shaped by the needs and priorities of local actors, but in general, a scheduled exchange of information combined with a platform for knowledge management was welcomed. The recommended level of involvement of donor organisations is a moot point since few if any coordination mechanisms have succeeded in regularly bringing donors and implementing agencies to the table. In 2016, as part of the MedMedia project, EC officials attempted to organise a roundtable for EU donors and development agencies committed to supporting media in the MENA region. Despite the best efforts of those concerned, the event was attended by representatives from just two member states—Austria and Latvia—neither of which was active in this field. Conversely, the donor coordination process that was set up in Ukraine in 2015 includes only limited representation from implementing agencies and exists in parallel to the coordination group assembled by GFMD in the wake of the Russian invasion. While GFMD invites donors to its meetings and shares information via email and online documents, the donors have yet to reciprocate. Thus, in real terms, there is no silver bullet or single best-practice model. However, based on its findings and conclusions, this report recommends that a strong level of interagency engagement should become the default position for all media development projects." (Recommendations, page 34-35)
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"In this article, I examine the development of journalism in Vietnam by exploring documentation from two media aid projects carried out by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) from 1993 until 2007. The project documents contain fieldnotes, evaluations and reflections from
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the trainers who were recruited from Swedish media houses to conduct training in Vietnam. A qualitative document analysis was used to examine the content with a conceptual framework built on notions of comparative media systems, global media ethics and the salience of social connections in Vietnam. The findings explore how the Swedish media aid intervened in the Vietnamese media by contributing to a technological transition of journalism although the training in newsroom management and media ethics were challenged by conflicting journalism ideology and social norms. The article contributes to the existing research on media development, reflections on media aid and the development of Vietnamese journalism by analysing project documents that provide first-hand information from a period when Vietnamese journalism underwent a dramatic transition towards the digitalized media system existing today." (Abstract)
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"Using the coup as a vantage point, interviewees for this report were asked to reflect on three main questions: What have we learned about past media reform efforts? With hindsight, what are the legacies, best practices, and lessons learned? With a view to the future, what does the media’s respons
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e to the coup teach us about reform and resilience? One of the important lessons their collective reflections and analysis show is that over the past decade the media assistance approach in Burma should have been more strategic, nuanced, grassroots driven, flexible, and inclusive, with a greater focus on opportunities to support local initiatives, coalitions, and actors. Other important lessons learned concern risks and security, including the importance of digital security literacy and mechanisms, as well as building widespread capacity in volatile contexts with greater risk of repression." (Conclusion)
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"At a general level the partners have been very satisfied with the IMS partnership, with an average rating on 4.53 out of 5. The comments further support the appreciation by the partners of the partnership with IMS: 'We are so proud of our IMS-partnership because the organisation treats us as a true
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and equal partner rather than just a grantee. This is what makes IMS partnership special and appreciative'; 'IMS has allowed us to continue our creative work, network and remain relevant in our sector.'
The majority of partners work mainly within content production and public interest media. Capacity development on content was found most effective compared to other types of capacity development, and 74 percent of respondents reported that capacity development had big positive or very big positive effect. None of the partners found it to have had a limited effect or no effect at all. The survey showed that 72 percent of respondents found that their content had improved as a result of the capacity development." (Executive summary)
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"The need for coordination within the media development sector is widely recognised – particularly in the wake of conflict or crisis." (Page 1)
"The halting progress of the Tunisian media reform reflects the uncertainty and vulnerability of the political reform. As Professor of Communication and Democracy Katrin Voltmer contends, emerging media systems are unique types that are a blend of inherited structures, the constraints of the transit
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ions, and the reform movement’s choices. The new Tunisian media system retains features of the old regime while embedding the contradictions and struggles that paint the emerging political system. Eleven years after the Jasmine Revolution, the media reform is still governed by ambiguity, having turned into a field of political struggle between progressive and conservative forces and their allies. The president’s recent move to suspend the parliament and his highly controversial referendum on a new constitution granting him extraordinary powers, which passed following an unprecedented level of low turnout, have plunged the democratic consolidation process into turmoil. Sharp divisions have emerged between Saeid’s supporters and opponents, exacerbating uncertainty and ambiguity." (Conclusion)
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"[...] there has been a growing recognition that traditional approaches to media development are struggling to deliver the anticipated results. This acknowledgement has led some donors to conduct far-ranging needs assessments in order to better understand the priorities of their beneficiaries as wel
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l as the environmental constraints that have blunted the impact of media development initiatives in the past. At the same time, the recipients of donor funding are increasingly asking to have a say in determining the kind of support that is provided by the international community. They say that programmes should be driven by demand rather than by donor assumptions or thematic priorities that do not fully reflect the situation on the ground. The calls for proposals reviewed during this study suggest that donors are responding to these concerns. There is clear evidence of concerted efforts to make funding more accessible to local organisations and to move the centre of gravity away from international partners. Although some programmes remain out of the reach of local players due to the size of their budgets or their regional scope, they often include very significant sub-granting programmes aimed at helping local media to become viable businesses and at supporting the production of public interest content. The themes embraced by the calls also reflect the urgent need within the media sector to build resilience to economic shocks, political bullying and disinformation campaigns. There is a marked insistence on promoting usable skills such as factchecking and mobile journalism, accompanied by provisions for ensuring that training is delivered by “media professionals as opposed to professional trainers with minimal or no experience in the media industry”. These are positive developments which, to a large extent, have been driven by sustained dialogue between stakeholders and far-ranging needs assessments. Of particular note in Lebanon is the unprecedented success of the Media Recovery Fund, initiated by the Samir Kassir Foundation, which marks a dramatic shift in the implementer-donor relationship. There is a strong possibility that this approach could form the focus of future coordination efforts and could, in time, serve as the cornerstone for a national media development strategy. It could also become a blueprint for other countries in the region." (Executive summary)
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"The 64th meeting of the IPDC Bureau (June 2020) requested the Secretariat to develop a strategy to approach the private sector and civil society in accordance with UNESCO’s fundraising strategy. A targeted fundraising strategy was developed and presented to the 32nd session of the Intergovernment
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al Council of the IPDC in November 2020. The Council then instructed the Secretariat to implement resource mobilization aimed at the private sector and civil society. The Secretariat presented a Visibility and fundraising strategy for IPDC to the 65th Bureau meeting in June 2021. This document reports on the implementation actions thus far." (Page 1)
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"This document reports on the implementation of projects approved by the 64th meeting of the IPDC Bureau (June 2020) and implemented in 2020-2021, and on projects approved as part of IPDC’s rapid response mechanism in January 2021. It also includes the implementation reports of several projects th
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at were approved by the 63rd Bureau meeting in June 2019 but whose implementation timeframe was extended until December 2021 due to delays related to the COVID-19 pandemic. It is meant for the information of the IPDC Bureau Members and donors." (Page 1)
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"The media reform process in Ethiopia’s political transition has made significant improvements to the policy, legal, and regulatory frameworks. If institutionalized and implemented with robust stakeholder engagement, the reform could help build a sustainable, vibrant, independent, and viable media
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business environment essential to democratic consolidation. The task, however daunting, has shown the resolve of state and nonstate actors to work collaboratively in spite of staunch differences to reach compromised solutions and build consensus on important media reform issues. That volunteer legal and media experts have spearheaded a participatory legislative and regulatory reform process will help instill a democratic culture, which would be instrumental in operationalizing a sector-wide self-regulatory mechanism and capacity-building efforts to professionalize the sector. Ethiopia’s political transition has been rather bumpy and full of crises that have threatened progress—a situation that should be expected to continue into the future." (Conclusion, page 21)
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"[...] almost all the media experts interviewed in the study identified “political and legal system,” “public attitude and relationship to media,” and “economic and ownership situation” to be the top three biggest obstacles to news media viability in Ethiopia. In fact, almost four-fifth
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of the respondents voted for “politics” to be ranked the biggest obstacle, while two-third voted for “public attitude and relationship to media,” and half of the experts cited “economic and ownership situation,” to be in the top three viability obstacles in the Ethiopian media environment. Experts understandably identified “political and legal system” as the most constricting challenge to news media institutions in Ethiopia since most of the problems faced by the media, or at least those in news headlines, were with the authorities and the law. However, subsequent scoring of the media viability indicators and aggregation of those scores to drive meaning has crystalized the fact that the most severe media viability challenges to the Ethiopian news media come not from “political and legal system,” or “economic and ownership situation,” but “technological situation of the country” and “general quality of content”. (Conclusion and recommendations, page 43)
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"Peace journalism (PJ), originally proposed by Johan Galtung as a set of ideational distinctions in representations of conflict, has served as the organizing principle for both scholarly research and practical application. Much of the latter has come through media development aid, generally taking t
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he form of professional training courses for editors and reporters. The effectiveness of such schemes depends on activating and galvanizing journalistic agency to change the content of reporting. This highlights a paradox: PJ is the policy response to Galtung’s landmark 1965 essay, published with Mari Holmboe Ruge, ‘The structure of foreign news’, which, instead, attributed the chief influences on news content to the political economy of media. This article presents and considers two sets of data. One comes from interviews with sixteen alumni of PJ training courses, in which they disclose which aspects proved most readily applicable in their work. The other is based on a survey of 55 articles from The Peace Journalist, a biannual magazine published by the Global Peace Journalism Center at Park University, Missouri, which, between them, report on training courses in 33 countries over ten years. It shows which aspects of PJ are most often emphasized in such initiatives, and in what kind of conflict contexts. The two data sets are then compared and cross-referenced to show how both trainers and trainees set out to supplement and circumvent structural constraints and thus overcome the PJ paradox." (Abstract)
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