"In Latin America, several countries’ laws permit the president to commandeer all radio and television broadcasts. Initially contemplated for use in rare circumstances such as national emergencies, a few leaders in the region, beginning with Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez, have taken advantage of thes
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e laws to create an unprecedented media bully pulpit that has been an essential part of their populist politics. This report explores how these obligatory presidential broadcasts have become a routine occurrence in Venezuela, Argentina, and Ecuador with troubling implications for public debate. The report also surveys the legal and regulatory frameworks across the region for lessons on how presidential communication authority can be restricted to prevent this kind of abuse in the future." (Key findings)
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"This MeCoDEM working paper presents an overview of the main findings from a quantitative content analysis covering different types of democratisation conflicts (i.e., conflicts over citizenship, elections, transitional justice and distribution of power) in four countries: Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and S
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outh Africa. The sample involves 5162 newspaper articles and news stories in the four countries selected on the basis of two main criteria: the degree of independence of media outlets from government and political parties, and their relevance. The key findings from the content analysis are organised around several themes: causes of democratisation conflicts, portrayal of conflict parties, preferred solutions to conflicts, perceptions of democracy, role of the media, authoritarian past, and tone of reporting and polarisation. Although this paper focuses principally on description, we also speculate about the main factors that shape similarities and differences in media coverage of democratisation conflicts. The main finding from the content analysis is that cross-national variations that we found in media reporting of democratisation conflicts appear to depend on several factors." (Executive summary)
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"While scholarly inquiries into the coverage of climate change in Africa are growing, there appears to be a dearth of studies focusing on how the political economy shapes the coverage. This qualitative study addresses this gap by exploring how vested interests, corruption and declining advertising r
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evenue among other factors affect climate change news in Nigeria. The findings of this study - which draws on interviews with journalism professionals undertaken in Lagos in 2013 - suggest that media owners, editors and even climate change reporters have different interests to protect, all of which influence climate change reportage. The study concludes that in order to get their stories published, ethical climate change reporters might need to find creative ways of making their stories meaningful without hurting the interests that appear to frustrate the reporting of the phenomenon. The issues examined in this study provide a research-based framework for the analysis of the political economy of climate change reporting in Nigeria." (Abstract)
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"It is often assumed that a robust, free and independent media will contribute to the deepening of democracy by keeping governments accountable and broadening citizen participation in deliberative democratic debates. But in new democracies such as South Africa, the deepening and broadening of democr
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atic participation is often curtailed by challenges such as unequal access to the media, the orientation of mainstream media towards elite audiences and renewed attempts by sources of power to control the free flow of information. Despite the promise of a peaceful, equitable and democratic society after the end of apartheid, conflicts continue to erupt due to continued social polarisation, vast socio-economic inequalities and new struggles for power. In South Africa these conflicts include social protests on a daily basis, repeated outbreaks of xenophobic violence and disruptions to the parliamentary process. This paper probes the role of the media in these conflicts from the perspective of journalists who have reported on these issues. The paper explores ways in which journalists critically reflect on their abilities to perform the roles expected of them within a normative framework informed by the Habermasian ideal of deliberative democracy. The reasons they offer for not fulfilling these roles, and the conditions underpinning these failures, lead them to question the ability of the South African media to contribute to an emerging democracy." (Abstract)
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"The protests that took place in Nigeria due to removal of fuel subsidy by the Jonathan administration in January 2012, tagged ‘Occupy Nigeria Protest’, have been labelled the social media revolution by the conventional media commentators in the country. For the first time in the history of the
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country, ethnic, regional and religious differences were set aside to confront the State in an arena without any State control: the Internet and its social communities, unrestricted, uncontrolled, uninhibited; the images, imageries and imaginations of the protestors deconstructed State authority and control - often in the face of brutal State attempts at offline suppression - and spread messages of solidarity and ‘anti-State’ forces. Using semiotic analysis and grounded within the theories of intermedialities, the findings suggest that the images on social media had played a significant role in mobilizing the protesters to come out and keep them on the street for the period of the protest." (Abstract)
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"This article aims at investigating the relationship between the concept of mediated citizenship and participation through radio talk deliberation. It intends to offer an analysis of the content mediated through public discourses by determining the way in which participants draw their identities thr
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ough different topics articulated in radio talk shows. This article will focus on a breakfast radio talk show – Jambo Kenya, a programme broadcasted on Radio Citizen, the second largest radio station in Kenya. This highly interactive programme airs from 7:15 a.m. with thought-provoking dialogue, giving a voice to groups that would otherwise be unheard. The article focuses on how the call-in listeners gain access to this media space to contest their various ideas." (Abstract)
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"In this volume of essays edited by Anya Schiffrin, media capture is shown to be a growing phenomenon linked both to the resurgence of authoritarian governments as well as to the structural weaknesses presently afflicting media markets. In this environment, political figures and economic elites are
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colluding to undermine the independence of privately-owned media, and efforts to stop this collusion by activists, regulators, and the international community have proven to be ineffective." (Publisher description)
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"The Monitor assesses the risks to media pluralism based on a set of twenty indicators covering a broad notion of media pluralism that encompasses political, cultural, geographical, structural and content related dimensions. All types of media are covered: public service, commercial, community media
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, new media and online platforms. The risks for media pluralism are measured in four different areas: Basic Protection, Market Plurality, Political Independence and Social Inclusiveness. The indicators cover legal, economic and socio-political questions. National experts, composing the MPM network of local teams, provided the data to assess the levels of risk at country level, drafted the country reports, while the CMPF supervised and guaranteed quality and consistency of the data collection and assessed the levels of risk." (Executive summary)
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"Building on critical theory, most notably Herman and Chomsky's Propaganda Model, Florian Zollmann's pioneering study brings propaganda back to the forefront of the debate. On the basis of a forensic examination of 1,911 newspaper articles, Zollmann investigates US, UK and German media reporting of
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the military operations in Kosovo, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Egypt. The book demonstrates how 'humanitarian intervention' and 'R2P' are only evoked in the news media if so called 'enemy' countries of Western states are the perpetrators of human rights violations. Zollmann's work evidences that the news media plays a crucial propaganda role in facilitating a selective process of shaming during the build-up towards military interventions." (Back cover)
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"Elisabeth Wehling zeigt anhand zahlreicher Erkenntnisse der modernen Neuro- und Kognitionsforschung, wie über Sprache und die jeweils adressierten Frames Assoziationen geweckt, Meinungen gelenkt und Handlungen bestimmt werden können: So müssen beispielsweise im geläufigen Jargon Steuern aufgebr
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acht, nicht etwa beigetragen werden, und ihre Lasten drücken uns, statt dass wir sie als Grundlage staatlichen Gemeinwohlhandelns begreifen. Ein bewussterer und klügerer Umgang mit der Sprache, so die Autorin, sei eine der Grundvoraussetzungen für konstruktive Auseinandersetzungen in den zahlreichen politischen Debatten unserer Zeit." (Klappentext)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"Recent media policy developments in Poland attract wide media coverage and the attention of governmental and non-governmental international and national organisations and bodies. This article aims at putting the debated regulatory changes into a relevant context through policy analysis. The normati
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ve concept against which the change will be tested, is media pluralism. Why? The concept of media pluralism is often viewed as an important condition for a well-functioning and democratic public sphere and media, while also incorporating political, economic and cultural value dimensions." (Page 197)
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"Media freedom is still a fragile compromise in Tunisia and institutions and their rules are not as sustainable as one might wish for. The success of the transition process ultimately depends on the commitment of all elites to devote themselves to holding on to democracy. As could be observed in sev
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eral stages of the transition process, it was often the willingness of the political elites to make democratization work, even at the expense of their own power shares, which was essential for mastering the ride on the bumpy road of transition. However, in comparison to all other countries in the region Tunisia has found a way to negotiate its future without militant means, and, as Roxane Farmanfarmaian (2014, page 662) concludes, "a stage of no return is widely felt to have been achieved". Thus I can conclude optimistically that Tunisia's media transition might indeed become a success story." (Conclusion)
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"Nadia Sraieb-Koepp shares her experiences designing participatory media campaigns and visual strategies that helped facilitate the democratic transition in Tunisia in 2011. She offers her thoughts about the need for inclusive social media strategies designed to counter recruitment messages targetin
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g youth by violent extremists." (Introduction to part 5, page 241)
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"L’expérience radiophonique en Guinée a connu trois grandes périodes. Lors de la première, de 1950 à 1955, la radio était au service de la métropole, afin de servir les intérêts exclusifs des planteurs européens, franco-syriens et franco-libanais. Elle donnait des informations sur le mou
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vement des navires-bananiers et d’autres transports de produits. Cette période coïncide avec la relance économique en Europe, à la sortie de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Pendant la deuxième période, de 1956 à 1958, la radio a participé activement à l’éveil des consciences, à la lutte pour l’indépendance nationale, et à l’émancipation du continent. Elle a joué un rôle important dans la mise en place des structures de gestion en Afrique et singulièrement en Guinée. La loi-cadre du 23 juin 1956 a favorisé la participation des Africains à la gestion et à la prise de décisions importantes pour leur développement. Au cours de la troisième période, de 1958 à 1984, la radio a contribué à la consolidation des acquis de l’Indépendance nationale, à la lutte de libération des peuples africains encore sous le joug colonial, et à la valorisation de la culture nationale et africaine. Elle a joué un rôle de premier plan dans la propagande révolutionnaire et s’est illustrée comme porte-voix de l’Afrique combattante." (Dos de couverture)
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"The Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) was established as Malawi's first national radio station when the country gained independence from Britain in 1964, partly with an ideological function of mobilising Malawians for the task of nation building. Since its inception, the broadcaster has been ac
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cused of serving the ideological interests of the ruling elite at the expense of the public good. Content-based evidence supporting this assertion has, however, been lacking. Against this background, a content study of one of MBC's leading television public affairs programmes, Speak Out, was conducted to interrogate a widely-held perception that the broadcaster's staffers interact with dominant ideology passively at the expense of promoting public good. The study was situated in debates between the dominant ideology thesis and the pluralist paradigm of news. Its results show that, contrary to the widely-held claim, the pursuit of the ideological project of nation building at the broadcaster generally conforms to the pluralist paradigm, especially Shoemaker and Vos's gatekeeper thesis which conceptualises journalists who actively engage with programme content as they mediate it. Presenters and producers of the programme use strategies which, to a considerable extent, connote their effort to pursue impartially politically sensitive aspects of the ideological project of nation building." (Abstract)
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"Political blogging in Francophone Africa is quite a recent phenomenon. Most bloggers are journalists and use their blogs to practice writing and/or report affairs they can’t cover in the mainstream media. A blog is therefore a tool for the publication of content to inform the users of development
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s in the political and social spheres of their country. It is a platform for freedom of expression. Blogging can be a way to earn a living, especially when combined with social media." (Page 1)
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"Die ägyptische Muslimbruderschaft hat in den fast 90 Jahren ihres Bestehens immer wieder neue Kommunikationstechnologien adaptiert und Medienpraktiken inkorporiert, um ihre Außenkommunikation zu professionalisieren. Der Beitrag zeigt unter Rückgriff auf Ansätze der Sozialen-Bewegungs-Forschung
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sowie zu Medienpraktiken, wie diese Anpassungen im Kontext politischer Entwicklungen vorgenommen wurden und mit veränderten Materialitäten, Kompetenzen und Bedeutungszuschreibungen in Zusammenhang stehen. Das Fallbeispiel der Rabi’a-Ereignisse von 2013 illustriert schließlich einen Höhepunkt der auch performativen und transnational zirkulierenden Medienpraktiken der Muslimbruderschaft." (Abstract)
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