"Analyzing the political consequences of the most extensive corruption investigation in recent Latin American history, Operação Lava-Jato, this book answers two central questions about the contradictory effects news media has on political systems. First, how can political actors in a seemingly wel
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l-functioning democracy quickly override checks and balances, and replace a head of state with a corrupt vice-president? Second, how can very active news media, while ostensibly performing the role of the watchdog, still fail to deliver media accountability to the public? Combining a quantitative view of the media sphere with case studies of the leaks, legal actions, and alliances forming and breaking in the Brazilian Congress, Mads Bjelke Damgaard demonstrates that the media’s attention to leaks and investigations of corruption paved the way for Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment. By timing the disclosure of information in scandals, actors with inside information were able to drive the media agenda and let some scandals escape from the limelight. The book delivers an in-depth study of how scandals become political weapons in a time of media personalities and post-politics." (Publisher description)
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"This chapter focuses on the role of Myanmar's fastest growing form of media—social media—in formulating notions of citizenship and nation amid Myanmar's transition. It begins with an overview of the history of mobile and internet access in Myanmar. The chapter explores the new social and politi
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cal opportunities, tensions and dynamics that are emerging as a result of Myanmar's liberalisation, particularly of the telecommunications sector. It explains how the technologies interact with and alter pre-existing social networks, relationships and communication practices, opening up new spheres for activism and advocacy of various kinds including the reforging of civil-military relations and notions of citizenship. The chapter discusses a call for future research to recognise the interaction between online-offline action, and how this may influence the emergence of a 'national' culture in Myanmar. In addition to enabling civilian humanitarian action, cyber-space has also become one of the primary domains through which civil-military relations are being reforged after decades of authoritarian rule." (Abstract)
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"Esta guía metodológica sistematiza dinámicas y herramientas construidas colectivamente por el equipo de la Asociación Voces Nuestras y agrupaciones aliadas. Nuestra propuesta fue aplicada y validada en procesos de formación a partir del año 2017, en el trabajo con organizaciones puente y defe
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nsoras de territorios mesoaméricanos en resistencia. El contenido de esta guía es resultado de esos procesos de fortalecimiento de capacidades informativas, articulación e incidencia en la región. La guía busca apoyar la facilitación de talleres de comunicación para la incidencia pública y política. Por eso, las ideas que aporta son de uso libre, pues así tienen que ser los conocimientos, los ríos, los bosques y los medios: ¡siempre libres!" (Introducción)
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"El libro contiene “un recorrido por la comunicación para el desarrollo, alternativas, popular, cambio social y buen vivir”. La obra recoge también experiencias de políticas de comunicación en la Región y una mirada del manejo de la comunicación en el Paraguay, además, “propuestas de ej
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es de discusiones para una política pública de comunicación en el Paraguay”. Según el autor, en los últimos años se aprobaron importantes normativas sobre “los servicios de comunicación audiovisual” en la Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia y Ecuador. Cada uno presenta características comunes y particularidades, siendo los derechos humanos la base de todas estas experiencias, y, en el caso de Bolivia y Ecuador con la inclusión de un nuevo paradigma: el bien vivir/buen vivir. Agrega que Paraguay “carece de una política pública de comunicación. Solo se adoptan estrategias comunicacionales por cada administración. Falta una política de estado en cuanto a la comunicación, discutida ampliamente con la ciudadanía, las entidades educativas, formadoras de profesionales de la comunicación, las organizaciones de medios empresariales, medios de servicios de la comunicación audiovisual, la comunicación y las TIC, la comunicación y los pueblos indígenas y colectivos culturales, otros actores”. En el libro, estos temas se desarrollan en tres partes, de las cuales, la primera aborda las aproximaciones teóricas a la comunicación y profundiza en lo que es hoy: comunicación para el desarrollo y cambio social, y, la comunicación para el buen vivir. En la segunda se recorre las políticas de comunicación, en especial las normativas recientes, de Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador y Uruguay. En la tercera parte se realiza un estudio sobre la comunicación en el Paraguay, una mirada histórica y un análisis de la comunicación en distintas etapas y planteándose propuestas teniendo en cuenta cinco grandes aspectos: los desafíos de la democratización de la comunicación, las tecnologías de información y comunicación, las necesidades formativas de comunicadores, las industrias culturales y la necesidad de contar con una entidad rectora democrática." (https://signisalc.org/presentan-libro-vivir-la-comunicacion, 25.11.2018)
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"The media industry has been ravaged by the economic crises. Some media, mainly those covering tabloid fare and digitally savvier than others or those backed by deep-pocketed investors, are surviving or even thriving. But independent journalism outfits, particularly outside the Western world, have b
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een grappling with serious financial problems. This article is an analysis of how government uses funding, directly and indirectly, to capture the media. It describes trends in how governments use funding to control media by not financing independent journalism, but choosing to fund instead media outlets that advance the government agenda and the interests of its allies and supporters, either political groups or businesses." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores the interconnections of Hindutva fascist repertoires in India and quasi-orientalist discourses. History and common sense are re-written through audiovisual communications to appeal to one section of a dangerously split Indian public and a neoliberal-touristic sensibility elsewhe
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re. Enlightenment rhetorics of progress, democracy and technological development are apparently embodied by WhatsApp groups, electronic voting machines and laws to protect cows. Voting—as a marker of democratic citizenship—becomes a masquerade protecting a resurgent far right Hindutva (Hindu fascist) regime under the aegis of Narendra Modi and the BJP. Caste Hinduism’s association of cows with deities, and the proscription on meat-eating in certain versions of religious practice, are used as pretexts for unimaginable violence against Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and working class/lower caste Hindus. Violence against those who dissent is rationalised as patriotic. Hindutva’s banal and spectacular audiovisual discourse overwhelms public communication. Its consequences are a form of vigilante citizenship that is marked on the bodies of dead victims and of vigilante publics ready to be mobilised either in ethno-cultural violence or its defence and disavowal. Meanwhile, attracted to India as an enormous market, Western governments and corporations have colluded with the Hindutva regime’s self-promotion as a bastion of development." (Abstract)
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"Nous observons ainsi des mutations profondes dans le champ de la liberté de la presse, qui progresse sur plusieurs points, mais recule également dans certains autres. La liberté des médias est notamment limitée par de nombreuses restrictions légales sur le droit de communiquer des information
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s et des idées, bien que des progrès soient observés en ce qui concerne les garanties juridiques à chercher et à recevoir de l’information. En ce qui concerne le pluralisme des médias, les cinq dernières années ont vu la multiplication considérable des sources d’information. Pourtant, la concentration de la propriété des médias et des services Internet soulève des préoccupations majeures. Les effets de filtrage des médias sociaux, qui créent des « bulles » dans lesquelles les gens n’accèdent pas à la vérité ou aux « points de vue » qu’ils jugeraient « gênants » ou « inappropriés » sont un exemple. La manipulation et la diffusion de fausses informations par des organes de propagande en sont un autre. On note également un arrêt des progrès sur l’égalité des genres dans les contenus et en personnel. Les tendances montrent que l’indépendance des médias s’affaiblit et que les normes professionnelles du journalisme s’érodent sous l’effet des forces économiques d’un côté et du manque de reconnaissance de la part des acteurs politiques de l’autre. Les entreprises de médias et de l’Internet sont de plus en plus conscientes de la nécessité de s’autoréguler. En ce qui concerne enfin la sécurité physique, psychologique et numérique des journalistes, les tendances restent extrêmement alarmantes, même si la mise en oeuvre du Plan d’Action des Nations Unies sur la sécurité des journalistes et la question de l’impunité représente un espoir. Il existe un nouvel élan pour des mécanismes de suivi, de prévention, de protection et de renforcement de la justice pour les crimes commis contre les journalistes. Cet élan doit être encouragé." (Avant-propos, pages 10-11)
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"This book surveys current developments in social media and politics in a range of Central and Eastern European countries, including Ukraine and Russia. It explores the process of adoption of social media by politicians, journalists and civic activists, examines the impact of the different social an
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d cultural backgrounds of the countries studied, and discusses specific political situations, such as the 2012 protests in Moscow and the 2014 EuroMaidan events in Ukraine, where social media played an important role. The book concludes by addressing how the relationship between social media and politics is likely to develop and how it might affect the still relatively new democracies in the region." (Publisher description)
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"The 2011 uprisings in the Middle East have deeply shaken the traditional media landscape in the region. They have also reinvigorated scholarly interest in the role of the media in the region’s conflicts. Alternative media has emerged as an important avenue for investigation—in particular with r
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esistance and counterhegemonic narratives. However, the complexity and heterogeneity of this sphere have received less attention. The aim of this article is to reveal the heterogeneity in the alternative media sphere that developed in Syria after the 2011 uprising. The article contributes, first, to an understanding of the conflict itself and the role of sectarianism therein and, second, to a more complex conceptualization of alternative media within conflict contexts. We explore these issues by analyzing the diverse framings of sectarian divisions in Syrian oppositional media." (Abstract)
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"Redefining the concept of new media in China, this cutting edge book discusses the impact of social media on Chinese public life. Examining its characteristics and the different forms of social media, such as internet and mobile phone media, weibo, wechat and micro-blogging, it considers how public
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opinion evolves through this media and its interaction with traditional media. It also offers a unique analysis of growing new media platforms, the challenges of government management and the impact of micro-blogging on journalism in China. Through quantitative research, the book also analyses new media user behavior in China, offering a 'butterfly effect' model for public opinion based on new media. It also shows the relevance of the sociological Matthew Effect and addresses issues such as the '20 million' phenomenon and the Internet Water army (Wangluo shuijun), groups of Internet ghost-writers paid to post specific content online. Finally, it scrutinizes the issue of mass disturbance in new media in China, researching evolutionary mechanisms and academic models of mass disturbance through a series of case studies." (Publisher description)
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"This study assesses linkages between social media and governance dynamics in 49 African countries for the year 2012. The empirical evidence is based on ordinary least squares and quantile regressions. Ten bundled and unbundled governance dynamics are used, notably: (i) political governance (entaili
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ng “voice & accountability” and political stability/no violence); (ii) economic governance (involving regulation quality and government effectiveness); (iii) institutional governance (comprising the rule of law and corruption-control) and (iv) general governance (entailing political, economic and institutional governance). Social media is measured with Facebook penetration. The findings show that Facebook penetration is positively associated with governance dynamics and these positive nexuses differ in terms of significance and magnitude of significance throughout the conditional distribution of the governance dynamics." (Abstract)
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"En este texto se reúnen reflexiones e investigaciones que tienen, de una u otra manera, su mirada puesta en la ciudadanía. Intentando que la comunicación nos permita ver el bosque y que sepamos qué papel debemos jugar en esta realidad acelerada para construir ciudadanías activas e influyentes.
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Los diversos abordajes que aquí se presentan son variopintos y por ello enriquecedores del campo académico desde el que está escritos. Una suerte de pensamientos, hechos, relatoras y crítica social a las ciudadanías, o a sus formas y ausencias. La intención es plantear propuestas que nos relaciones con las muchas ciudadanías posibles y las numerosas maneras de abordarlas. La finalidad es que abran los debates y las reflexiones para ir sumando personas y acciones a la lucha por otra ciudadanía más universal, en el sentido que se entienden los derechos humanos, que trascienda límites y fronteras." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"This article focuses on AKTrolls, defined as pro-government political trolls in Turkey, while attempting to draw implications about political trolling in the country in general. It examines their methods and effects, and it interrogates whether (and how) Turkish authorities have attempted to shape
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or counter politically motivated social media content production through trolling after the Gezi Park Protests that took place in 2013. My findings are based on an ethnographic study that included participant observation and in-depth interviews in a setting that is under-studied and about which reliable sources are difficult to find. The study demonstrates political trolling activity in Turkey is more decentralized and less institutionalized than generally thought, and is based more on ad hoc decisions by a larger public. However, I argue here that AKTrolls do have impact on reducing discourses on social media that are critical of the government, by engaging in surveillance, among other practices." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on AKTrolls, defined as pro-government political trolls in Turkey, while attempting to draw implications about political trolling in the country in general. It examines their methods and effects, and it interrogates whether (and how) Turkish authorities have attempted to shape
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or counter politically motivated social media content production through trolling after the Gezi Park Protests that took place in 2013. My findings are based on an ethnographic study that included participant observation and in-depth interviews in a setting that is under-studied and about which reliable sources are difficult to find. The study demonstrates political trolling activity in Turkey is more decentralized and less institutionalized than generally thought, and is based more on ad hoc decisions by a larger public. However, I argue here that AKTrolls do have impact on reducing discourses on social media that are critical of the government, by engaging in surveillance, among other practices." (Abstract)
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"The term “fake news” became increasingly common during the past year. While this concept has many synonyms—disinformation campaigns, cyber propaganda, cognitive hacking, and information warfare—it’s just one facet of the bigger problem: the manipulation of public opinion to affect the rea
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l world. Thanks to the connectivity and digital platforms that make it possible to share and spread information, traditional challenges such as physical borders and the constraints of time and distance do not exist anymore. Unfortunately, it also makes it easier to manipulate the public’s perception of reality and thought processes, resulting in the proliferation of fake news that affects our real, non-digital environment. Each new incident shows how much impact the technological manipulation of public opinion can have on people’s daily lives. This paper studies and explores the techniques and methods used by actors to spread fake news and manipulate public opinion to serve various motives ranging from personal and financial to political. It also discusses the three legs of the fake news triangle: the services that enable them, their appearance on social media sites, and the motivations behind these activities. We demonstrate several techniques used to identify such campaigns by processing social media data and show how it is possible to trace those campaigns to the original perpetrators. Finally, we discuss how social media platforms and the general public can counter fake news." (Page 3)
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"This paper discusses a number of ways in which media plays a part in increasing accountability. It draws on quantitative and qualitative data from BBC Media Action’s work in nine countries. It finds that: media can influence accountability by empowering people, creating opportunities for construc
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tive public debate and influencing power; development donors and practitioners need to integrate media more fully into their empowerment and accountability strategies. In 2017 BBC Media Action will complete a six year, multi-country project to support improved accountability through public dialogue. Partnering with over 135 media and civil society organisations, BBC Media Action supported broadcast programmes that have reached more than 190 million people. In 2016, the governance programmes supported by BBC Media Action reached an average of 37% of the adult population of the countries in which they were broadcast. This paper seeks to explore how the lessons from that support can contribute to the wider empowerment and accountability agenda, and to set out challenges for the future of media, empowerment and accountability work." (BBC Media Action website)
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"This practice briefing sets out what BBC Media Action has learned about how media can provide a platform for both men and women to hold their leaders to account, while empowering them to participate in their own communities. Unpicking the challenges faced and the solutions found, it will bring toge
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ther practice and research to examine how effective our factual programmes have been in reaching and impacting on men and women equally. The paper argues that these projects have been effective in building political knowledge, levels of discussion of governance issues and political participation among both men and women. However, it also draws the tentative conclusion that, in Nepal and Bangladesh, the programmes may be less effective at empowering female audiences to participate in politics than men. After setting out the global picture for gender and governance, the paper outlines BBC Media Action’s approach to supporting women to participate in their communities and hold their leaders to account. It then unpacks the challenges of creating gender-sensitive governance programmes and weighs up how successful BBC Media Action has been in reaching and impacting women. The paper concludes with some recommendations to inform future programming." (BBC Media Action website)
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