"In the period after the fall of communism, peculiar new obstacles to media independence have arisen. They include the telltale structure of media ownership, with news reporting being concentrated in the hands of politically engaged business tycoons, the fuzzy and contradictory legislation of the me
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dia realm, and the informal institutions of political interference in mass media. The book analyzes interrelationships between politics, the economy, and media in Ukraine, especially their shadowy sides guided by private interests and informal institutions. Being embedded in comparative politics and post-Communist media studies, it helps to understand the nature and workings of the Ukrainian media system situated in-between democracy and authoritarianism." (Publisher description)
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"This book argues that Internet diffusion and use in the Middle East enables meaningful micro-changes in citizens’ lives, even in states where no Arab Spring revolution occurred. Using ethnographic evidence and taking a comparative perspective, it presents a grass roots look at how new media use f
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its into the practice of everyday life. It explores why citizens use social media to digitally route around state and other forms of power at work in their lives. This increase in citizen civic engagement, supported by new media use, offers the possibility of a new order of things, from redefining patriarchal power relations at home, to reconfigurations of citizens’ relationships with the state, broadly defined. The author argues that new media channels offer pathways to empowerment widely and cheaply in the Middle East." (Publisher description)
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"During the transition years, Albania saw the establishment of a relatively complete legal framework for the protection and development of media freedom and independence. However, in many cases, the legal framework was delayed or a mechanical transplant of western legislation. Enforcement of legisla
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tion remains a problem. In the framework of relations between the media and politics, both in the early transition phases and during recent years, there have been frequent efforts of political formations to ensure in a way control Relations between media and politics in Albania over the media through law as in the case of the Press Law or the case of legislation establishing the regulations for the election of the Steering Council of RTSH and AMA, which gives the opportunity to the political majority to decide on the composition of the steering bodies of these two institutions. In terms of transparency over media ownership, Albania has made progress, but the concern is raised regarding the possibility of hidden ownership. Besides the ownership factor, their funding also has played a considerable role in the degree of dependence or independence of the media. In this regard, for many domestic analysts or international rapporteurs, the situation remains alarming. The EU Progress Report on Albania notes that media financing remains very problematic. There is almost no transparency and funding sources are manipulated or hidden. Similar to countries of the polarized pluralistic media model, in Albania too, professional organizations and the trade unions of journalists are generally weak. An indicator of the lack of organization of the media and the journalists’ community is also the fact that Albania, for a long period during the transition years, has not managed to have a Media Council, which exists in the majority of the region’s countries. The inexistence or poor role of journalists’ associations has led to a poor level of self-regulation of media in the country." (Executive summary)
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"El presente artículo analiza la participación de los medios comunitarios y su importancia para la democratización de la comunicación en Ecuador en el marco del Concurso Público de Frecuencias de Radio y Televisión de señal abierta, convocado en 2016. Este concurso cobró importancia en la ag
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enda pública por ser la primera vez que el Estado utiliza un mecanismo público para otorgar concesiones de frecuencias, abriendo a concurso 1 472 frecuencias de radio y televisión, lo que modificará el panorama mediático por 15 años –tiempo que dura cada concesión–. Este concurso, además, tomó relevancia por desarrollarse en medio de un proceso electoral ya de por sí agitado, por la permanencia o no del Gobierno de la Revolución Ciudadana liderado por Rafael Correa, después de 10 años en el poder. En este contexto, este análisis propone otra visión: desde la mirada del sector comunitario, un actor casi ausente en el debate público, a pesar de ser uno de los grupos que mayor implicación tiene en este proceso. Este documento plantea una comprensión del sector comunitario y de los “medios comunitarios” no como una totalidad cerrada, sino como una categorización que debe ser debatida, diferenciando aquellos medios comunitarios de grupos religiosos de aquellos nuevos medios comunitarios de organizaciones sociales, que como se verá, tienen características y demandas diferenciadas." (Página 1)
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"The Companion is the first collection to bring together two distinct ways of thinking about human rights and media, including scholarship that examines media as a human right alongside that which looks at media coverage of human rights issues. This international collection of 49 newly written piece
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s thus provides a unique overview of current research in the field, while also providing historical context to help students and scholars appreciate how such developments depart from past practices. The volume examines the universal principals of freedom of expression, legal instruments, the right to know, media as a human right, and the role of media organisations and journalistic work. It is organised thematically in five parts: Communication, Expression and Human Rights; Media Performance and Human Rights: Political Processes, Media Performance and Human Rights: News and Journalism; Digital Activism, Witnessing and Human Rights; Media Representation of Human Rights: Cultural, Social and Political." (Publisher description)
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"This research looks at the information needed by in-country development stakeholders with an emphasis on accountability actors including civil society organizations, charities, government workers, and the media. To collect this information, semi-structured interviews were conducted in Sierra Leone
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and Liberia. The majority of interviewees wanted information about financial resources and the channels they flowed through, and all respondents wanted information on the services provided and where the work was happening subnationally, suggesting that these two sets of information may be the most important. Unfortunately, information on subnational locations and services provided is infrequently available through open aid data portals, implying a need to update what aid information is shared." (Page 1)
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"We have noted profound transformations in the field of media freedom, which is making progress in certain areas, but losing ground in others. Media freedom is limited in particular by many legal restrictions on the right to impart information and ideas, although progress is being made with regard t
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o legal guarantees to seek and receive information. With regard to media pluralism, the last five years have seen a considerable increase in the number of sources of information. Yet the concentration of ownership of media companies and Internet services raises major concerns. The filtering effects of social media, which create “bubbles” in which people do not access the truth or “points of view” they consider “irritating” or “inappropriate” is one example. Another is the manipulation and dissemination of false information by propaganda mouthpieces. There has also been a hiatus in the progress of gender equality in content and staffing. Trends show that media independence is weakening and the professional standards of journalism are being eroded by economic forces on the one hand and lack of recognition by political actors on the other. Media and Internet companies are increasingly aware of the need for self-regulation. Finally, with regard to the physical, psychological and digital safety of journalists, trends remain extremely alarming, although implementation of the United Nations Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity offers hope. There is new momentum for mechanisms to monitor, prevent, protect and strengthen justice for crimes against journalists." (Foreword, page 10-11)
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"While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media eff
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ects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE." (Abstract)
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"Under the heading “Inclusive, independent media in a new democracy”, the 5th annual Myanmar Media Development Conference took place 7 – 8 November 2016 in Yangon, the first to be held under the new democratically elected government. The conference featured government representatives, media ow
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ners, human rights activists, and media practitioners from different ethnic backgrounds. A less stringent, hardtalk-like format paved the way for a less formal and more frank discussion than that of previous years. Gender inequality in media and the challenges of ethnic and community media were at the heart of discussions, where Minister of Information, U Pe Myint, expressed continued commitment to the media reform process. “This year’s meeting theme recognises that for media to develop, the country’s diverse voices, in terms of gender and ethnicity, must also be considered.” The exceptionally high turnout of more than 300 representatives from the media, government, military, judiciary, civil society and international press freedom organisations at the meeting was, if anything, a clear illustration of the continued sense of importance invested in the media reform process in Myanmar." (Page 7)
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"In 2012 the opportunity for ordinary Afghans to communicate with political authorities or hold them to account was extremely limited. To help address this BBC Media Action worked with state broadcaster Radio Television Afghanistan (RTA) and the BBC Afghan Service to co-produce the TV and radio nati
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onal debate programme Open Jirga (Open Assembly). It also supported the Afghan Education Production Organization (AEPO) to incorporate governance issues into its longstanding radio drama New Home, New Life. The project aimed to provide a platform for people to question their leaders and which built the profile and participation of women in public dialogue and debate. It also sought to raise the production skills and standards of RTA staff to produce high-quality coverage on key governance issues. Findings showed that BBC Media Action’s training and mentoring of RTA was largely successful. It was also found that more than 84% of those that tuned into Open Jirga and/or New Home, New Life reported that the programmes had increased their knowledge of key governance issues. However, research revealed that satisfaction with panellists’ responses was mixed. Some audiences and experts felt that Open Jirga could have done more to follow up to ensure that action was taken and demonstrate where power holders were failing in their duties. Encouragingly however it was found that both programmes did have a positive impact on attitudes regarding women’s right to participate and their confidence to take action." (BBC Media Action website)
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"While there is strong continuity in the values that resisters perceive to be at stake, there are also profound changes. One important change is that media resistance increasingly has moved from the political to the personal domain. Three explanations are offered for how media resistance is sustaine
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d as a strong cultural current: media resistance is flexible and adaptable, media resistance is connected with other great narratives of hope and decline, and media resisters keep a distance from (empirical) media research." (Abstract chapter 7, page 119)
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"The present research examines media agenda setting effects in a Kenyan context in 2013 and 2014. Specifically, focusing on the first level of agenda setting, the study investigates whether two national daily newspapers influenced public opinion on six issues of national importance: corruption, devo
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lution, economic crisis, insecurity, poverty, and unemployment. Moreover, the study examines whether the newspapers’ agendas are related in connection to the coverage of the six issues. Findings indicate that the two newspapers had little influence on the opinion of the Kenyan public regarding the six issues. This is based on a low correlation of +.30 between the two newspapers’ agendas and the public agenda. However, the agendas of the two publications were strikingly similar—yielding a perfect correlation of + 1. This means in their news coverage, the newspapers gave similar weight to the six issues." (Abstract)
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"In South Sudan, media capture, media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the ongoing civil conflict (since 2013), ethnic and linguistic divisions, a lack of rule of law, the legacy of clientelistic networks in the media and the government, a stark urban-rural divide, and a lack of infra
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structure and funding that could support sustainable media development. In Tanzania, media capture, and media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the dominance of the CCM that enables the government to establish a legal framework to restrict freedom of the press, stark rural-urban and ZanzibarMainland divides, and a lack of local and community media in rural areas due to poor infrastructure and a lack of managerial skills. In Bangladesh, media capture, media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the political polarisation of the media and journalists’ unions between the dominant AL and BNP political parties, the combination of political polarisation and low journalistic professionalism preventing politically unbiased reporting, and connections between corporate media owners and political elites that lead to politically-motivated corporate media strategies. In South Africa, media capture, media market and audience segregations are driven by: the lack of sustainable funding available to independent media outlets, prohibitive costs limiting their readership to the economic elite, and the dominance of the (politically controlled) SABC as the only source of media catering to lower-income segments of the population." (Executive summary, page vi-vii)
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"This chapter discusses the role of media in the Republic of Kazakhstan in combating corruption. First, it provides an assessment of the recently passed access to information legislation in the country as it relates to media's access to government information. Second, it analyses the extent to which
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freedom of press is guaranteed and protected, before looking at the level of professionalism and ethics in the media sector. Lastly, this chapter analyses the plurality of Kazakhstan's media sector." (Page 275)
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"This research project focuses on media reporting of and in crisis situations, with case studies of examples mostly from 2016. Political and social crises have been recurring in recent years, aggravated by unstable political environments, underdeveloped economies, ethno-national divisions and unreso
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lved legacies of war. They ranged from political clashes, government crises, through crisis involving citizen protests or pertaining to response to natural disasters, to refugee crises. As indicated by the national reports from five successor states of the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo and Serbia) and Albania, in the analysed cases of crises, the media largely failed to fulfil their public service role and to an extent did just the opposite, providing sensationalistic stories, favouring particular sources (mainly official ones, from one political faction or one ethno-national group), sometimes accentuating security threats and possible conflicts, or simply by failing to provide relevant information or in-depth analysis necessary for substantive understanding of related public interest issues. In this research we start from the assumption that weaknesses of the media sector manifest themselves with particular severity in crisis situations. We also recognize the pivotal role of media in what the dominant framing of the crises is, by which they can contribute to, or thwart, democratic communication. The experience of media in former Yugoslavia in the 1990 is a reminder of how devastating the consequences can be." (Pages 2-3)
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"It is becoming increasingly apparent that fundamental principles underlying democracy—trust, informed dialogue, a shared sense of reality, mutual consent, and participation—are being put to the test by certain features and attributes of social media. As technology companies increasingly achieve
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financial success by monetizing public attention, it is worth examining some of the key issues and unintended consequences arising as a result. Six key issues: Echo chambers, polarization, and hyper-partisanship [...]; Spread of false and/or misleading information [...]; Conversion of popularity into legitimacy [...]; Manipulation by “populist” leaders, governments, and fringe actors [...]; Personal data capture and targeted messaging/advertising [...]; Disruption of the public square [...]" (Executive summary)
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