"Commercial Nationalism intervenes in discussions of the fate of nationalism and national identity by exploring the relationship between state appropriation of marketing and branding strategies on the one hand, and, on the other, the commercial mobilization of nationalist discourses. The book's uniq
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ue contribution is to consider an emerging formation characterized by the following complementary (and related) developments: the ways in which states come increasingly to rely on commercial techniques for self-promotion, diplomacy, and internal national mobilization, and also the ways in which new and legacy forms of commercial media rely on the mobilization emerging configurations of nationalism for the purpose of selling, gaining ratings, and otherwise profiting. We see this formation as a unique reconfiguration of the formation of nationalism associated with the contemporary context. Often these processes are approached separately: what is the economic role of nationalism and how do media participate in the formation of national identity?" (Publisher description)
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"This book analyses how humour in political activism contributes to facilitating outreach, mobilisation and the sustaining of cultures of resistance. Drawing on examples of attention-grabbing stunts from around the world, Humour in Political Activism demonstrates how they succeed in turning relation
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s of power upside down. The ambiguity and unpredictability of humour, Sørensen argues, makes it difficult to respond to this form of political activism when it is performed in public. Humorous political stunts can therefore challenge state power, help influence changes in law and make significant contributions to the conversations about how societies should be organised. The book also investigates the potential risks and limitations of using humour in nonviolent action and what makes humour unique compared with other forms of non-humorous political activism." (Publisher description)
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"El presente volumen recoge diferentes enfoques teóricos y metodológicos sobre las memorias, transiciones políticas e identidades en Alemania, Argentina y España, buscando establecer comparaciones y puntos de convergencia en sociedades signadas durante el siglo XX por regímenes políticos autor
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itarios y procesos de democratización paradigmáticos. Privilegia la reflexión a partir de fuentes orales, indagación en archivos, sitios de memoria y otros documentos como representaciones literarias y cinematográficas." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"El libro de Christabelle Roca-Rey complementa y extiende las investigaciones que se han ido realizando sobre el gobierno de Juan Velasco Alvarado durante los últimos años. El texto es fácil de leer y bien apoyado por un cuerpo amplio de literatura teórica sobre el análisis cultural. Su enfoque
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en la propaganda visual resalta uno de los más llamativos pero curiosamente menos estudiados aspectos del gobierno militar. La autora muestra en particular cómo el régimen se apoderó de las imágenes para legitimar su revolución, y cómo la auto-representación del régimen iba cambiando en la medida que buscaba consolidarse en el poder. El análisis visual detallado tanto como las imágenes reproducidas en el libro (muchas de ellas inéditas) son un gran aporte a los esfuerzos actuales para entender la época velasquista desde nuevas perspectivas." (Reseña de Anna Kant, en: Kaypunku - Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinarios de Arte y Cultura, vol. 4:1, 2018, página 389)
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"Our interest in this book is to examine the contribution of citizens’ movements to a uniquely intense period of policy reforms in public communication in Latin America during the 2000–2015 period. We examine a range of experiences of citizen participation to reshape media systems and change med
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ia policy-making processes in the region. The analysis dips in and out of cases of media activism at both national and regional levels. Because we are interested in understanding the overall characteristics of media activism and policy reforms as well as similarities and differences in the region, we cast a wide analytical net by looking at various experiences. We are less interested in producing a granular analysis of particular experiences by country or type of media reform than in finding connecting threads among media movements in terms of goals, strategies, and impact. Whereas our analysis primarily draws from the cases of Argentina, Ecuador, Mexico, and Uruguay, we also make references to experiences in other countries. We chose these countries because, although they present similar levels of citizen activism on various media policies, the outcomes have been notoriously different." (Introduction, page 2)
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"59 percent of the population of Bulgaria do not consider the media to be independent. Many are undecided and only 17 percent believe reporting is free. The crisis of confidence in the media is continuing, according to a study on behalf of the KAS Media Program South East Europe. Citizens also feel
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they are inadequately informed by the politicians. 63 percent take a negative view of politicians’ public relations. A representative sample of 1,100 residents aged 18 and over was interviewed." (Page 1)
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"Two basic principles should prevail for media regulation in Cambodia: 1. Consistent application of the principles of the rule of law on the basis of the constitutional rights of freedom of speech and press (Art. 35 and 41: Cambodian Constitution). 2. Transparent and predictable regulative decision-
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making that is oriented towards professional journalistic standards." (Executive summary)
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"The telenovela El Candidato did not elect Vicente Fox per se but it was a very powerful media vehicle that certainly helped him. Although there were suspicions from the beginning about the telenovela’s positive support of the PRI in the context of the real election, it turns out that in fact upon
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detailed analysis key scenes and episodes of El Candidato’s general framework, the opposite proved to be true. TV-Azteca and El Candidato together negatively framed the image of the PRI and its role in ruling the country for 71 years, which then helped to underline the necessity of change. El Candidato visually explained the complexity of the social-political world even better that the politicians themselves or the press because its arguments are accompanied by images, angles, colors, music, emotions, etc. For some of those viewers-electors, the telenovela was an understandable guide to Mexican politics because the telenovela showed details related to what people thought about the PRI, politics, recent scandals and assassinations. The public mission of TVAzteca and its nightly newscast Hechos de la Noche following El Candidato resulted in sensationalizing real public events with the private goal of supporting a president close to its own interests." (Conclusion, page 23)
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"In the development communication equation, whether more theoretical, empirical and analytical attention is given to ‘development’ or to ‘communication’ makes a difference: where the emphasis is on development, it is at the expense of communication. Since communication and media arguably pla
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y an increasingly pervasive role in the everyday life of citizens and in the politics, economies and governance of most societies, the characteristics and role of specific forms of applied communication strategies in the context of the neoliberal project merit critical scrutiny. Given a complex global scenario, what can a political economy approach bring into an agenda for the future of development communication as a field of study, a practice and an institutional project? This article outlines ways in which a focus on political economy dimensions may contribute to understanding the obstacles and limits to a transformative practice of international development communication." (Abstract)
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"Das Fernsehen ist nach wie vor das reichweitenstärkste Medium zur Information und Meinungsbildung. Mit einer „informierenden“ Tagesreichweite von knapp 60% liegt es deutlich vor dem Radio (51%) und der Tageszeitung mit 35% [...] Bei der informierenden Nutzung gestern zeigen sich deutliche Zusa
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mmenhänge mit dem Alter und Geschlecht sowie der formaler Bildung: Unter 30-Jährige informieren sich eher über das Internet als via Tageszeitung. In dieser Altersgruppe liegt das Internet sogar bereits um 10 Prozentpunkte vor dem Fernsehen klar auf Rangplatz 1. Frauen informieren sich insgesamt und insbesondere im Internet deutlich weniger (23 zu 35%). Allerdings ist die Tagesreichweite des Internets (allgemeine Nutzung) bei Frauen auch deutlich geringer als bei Männern (54 zu 65%). Ähnlich wie bei Männern verhält es sich bei formal höher Gebildeten: Insgesamt informiert sich diese Gruppe überproportional oft. Das Internet – und auch Zeitschriften, wenn auch auf niedrigerem Niveau – sind überdurchschnittlich relevant." (Seite 51-52)
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"This desk study was commissioned by International Media Support (IMS) for the purposes of providing information to colleagues in the media support sector and to donors so that they may be better informed when devising and deciding on appropriate intervention strategies [...] Research for this repor
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t was conducted from 15 – 23 June 2015 and was based on interviews with journalists and other actors in both Burundi and Rwanda. In addition, news and other reports were consulted." (Page 5)
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"Libya’s contested and, at times, chaotic political scene is reflected in its media, which represents a range of political and vested interests, sparking narrative and counter narrative. Ultimately, it has left people frustrated that they cannot access the information that they need. In Tunisia, t
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he media is seen to have made progress, albeit not enough for a media-literate and knowledgeable audience that places great importance on its role in political change, particularly as an accountability tool. Nonetheless, Tunisians’ demand for accurate, transparent and impartial information outlined in this report can be seen as a considerable cause for optimism, and a necessary pre-requisite to meaningful change." (Conclusions)
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"Instead of serving the public and speaking truth to power, many media may act as mouthpieces of the powerful, repeat rumors without verification, discriminate against minorities, and feed the polarization of societies. Such media actions have a harmful influence that reaches far beyond the media se
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ctor itself. In this paper, we describe different phenomena of what we call the dark side of the media, and we look at how the dark side interacts in a dynamic way with other features of the governance environment. We propose a heuristic model to describe negative and positive dynamics between the media sector and the wider political, economic, and cultural context. New and broader strategies in media development are needed to tackle this problem." (Page 1)
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