"This paper seeks to identify the extent to which the national TV and radio programme Sema Kenya (Kenya Speaks), part of BBC Media Action’s governance work in Kenya, supported accountability, peace and inclusion at the time of the 2013 Kenya election. It shows the specific value placed on Sema Ken
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ya by audiences and experts at election time [...] Sema Kenya is a weekly programme, in the Kenyan national language of Swahili, involving a panel discussion led by questions from the audience. In its first season, episodes were recorded in 14 different locations across the country. Sema Kenya is not an election programme, which allowed it to tackle local and national governance issues and present a diversity of views and dialogue at a time when the rest of the Kenyan media maintained a very narrow election focus [...] The research also shows that at a time when media coverage and debate was influenced by a peace agenda, resulting in an avoidance of sensitive issues, Sema Kenya provided the public with arguably more detailed information than other media sources." (Abstract)
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"The election protests in Moscow in December 2011 signified an important moment for Russian society. Political dissent, historically reserved for the private domain of Soviet kitchens and in recent years to the regulation-free space of the Russian Internet (RuNet), entered the public space of Moscow
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streets. Just like the protests revealed the long-held tension between the political discussion (and action) in Russian public and private spheres, the coverage of the protests by different media brought to light similar struggles in Russian journalism. This project combines the textual analysis of the protests' coverage by two progovernment and two oppositional media with the analysis of their connections to the RuNet-a space that played an important role in the protests' organization and coordination. The project aims to gain a deeper understanding of the role RuNet-a private space that increasingly becomes more public-plays in the development of Russian journalism." (Abstract)
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"In the early 1990s, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa’s most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of
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its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution’s most ambitious goals." (Abstract)
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"Government communications is challenging in today’s world, which increasingly insists on transparency, accountability, and proactive disclosure, and when news is presented around the clock. At the same time, governments are being called on to communicate across agencies in a coordinated fashion o
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n complicated and specialized topics. All this is occurring at a time of low confidence in government, requiring even more openness and transparency. Ultimately governments need to understand that it is in their self-interest to communicate." (Conclusion)
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"To conclude, it is helpful to consider the work reviewed here under the headings provided by Beetham (2002)'s definition of democracy: popular control, and political equality. With respect to popular control, it seems to be the case that the Internet facilitates a "way in" for citizens in a democra
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cy to aquire information about, engage with, and even influence the key institutions that make up a democratic polity [...] For political equality, the prospects are a little less bright. There is abundance of research to suggest that the Internet may actually reinforce the disadvantages of lower income and low levels of education and these demographics may overtake age as the most important demographic for understanding Internet use." (Conclusion)
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"Der Autor porträtiert 23 Länder aus sechs Weltregionen. Anschließend bildet er mittels des pragmatischen Differenz-Ansatzes sechs Modelle heraus: Das liberale Modell, das Public-Service-Modell, das Klientel-Modell, das Schock-Modell, das Patrioten-Modell und das Kommando-Modell. Dabei zeigt sich
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: In Ländern wie China, Syrien, dem Iran oder auch Weißrussland fungieren die Medien als Lautsprecher der Herrschenden. In den USA, Brasilien oder auch Deutschland und Frankreich sind sie eher Widersprecher. Doch auch dazwischen gibt es ein breites Feld von Ländern wie Russland, Libanon oder Italien, in denen eine Ambivalenz zwischen Lautsprechern und Widersprechern besteht, deren Kräfteverhältnis sich immer wieder verschieben kann." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The current investigation utilizes data from 44 diverse countries (n = 57,847), collected as part of the World Values Survey, to broaden our understanding of trust in media. The aim is two-fold-to learn about individual-level correlates across contexts and to demonstrate that macro-level factors pl
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ay a part in shaping such trust. Our findings indicate that levels of political interest, interpersonal trust, and exposure to television news and newspapers are positively correlated with trust in media, while education and exposure to news on the Internet are negatively associated. On the macro level, postmaterialism emerged as a consistent predictor of trust in media. State ownership of the media industry did not have a main effect on trust in media after controlling for other factors. However, an interaction was found between state ownership and level of democracy: state ownership of television is positively associated with media trust in democratic societies and negatively associated with trust in media in nondemocratic societies." (Abstract)
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"The institutionalisation of democracy in Ghana (1992) and Nigeria (1999) after years of military regimes facilitated the need to reform old media structures that supported authoritarian regimes into institutions that would facilitate the democratic process. The media reform initiatives embarked upo
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n by both countries liberalised the media environment to create a free and independent media that would support the transition process by offering a platform for public debate, aimed at enhancing political participation. Using policy analysis and elite interviews, this article examines the reforms in both countries, and the extent to which Western countries/ donors impacted on their policy formulation and implementation processes. The author argues that these countries’ historical, political and socio-cultural antecedents have affected the praxes of their media reforms, and as a result their objectives have not been fully realised." (Abstract)
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"This article reflects on efforts to identify evidence about the role of media in fragile states. It explores and compares findings from two research projects and focuses on some of the lessons that have emerged from these exercises as well as on the relevance of the findings for media development.
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While we know that media matters in areas such as conflict, reconciliation and peacebuilding, neither of the reviews of the literature found substantial evidence supporting some of the widespread claims about the importance of media, suggesting how elusive this evidence can be." (Abstract)
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"Leading media scholars from nine Asian nations focus on three main questions: How frequently do Asians use social media to access and discuss political information? Does the use of social media increase political participation? What political, social and cultural factors influence the impact of soc
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ial media on political engagement in each nation? To answer these questions, contributors first analyze the current state of social media in their nations and then present the findings of a cross-national survey on social media use that was conducted with over 3,500 Asian respondents. By employing a comparative approach, they analyze how social media function and interact with the cultural and political systems in each country - and how they might affect political engagement among individual citizens." (Back cover)
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"The Kremlin exploits the idea of freedom of information to inject disinformation into society. The effect is not to persuade (as in classic public diplomacy) or earn credibility but to sow confusion via conspiracy theories and proliferate falsehoods. The Kremlin is increasing its “information war
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” budget. RT, which includes multilingual rolling news, a wire service and radio channels, has an estimated budget of over $300 million, set to increase by 41% to include German- and French language channels. There is increasing use of social media to spread disinformation and trolls to attack publications and personalities. Unlike in the Cold War, when Soviets largely supported leftist groups, a fluid approach to ideology now allows the Kremlin to simultaneously back far-left and far-right movements, greens, anti-globalists and financial elites. The aim is to exacerbate divides and create an echo chamber of Kremlin support. The Kremlin exploits the openness of liberal democracies to use the Orthodox Church and expatriate NGOs to further aggressive foreign policy goals." (Executive summary)
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"The practicability and effectiveness of state support schemes would have to be assessed on the basis of the economic and sociopolitical context in which the different types of support and subsidies are implemented. The expansive press subsidy schemes of Northern Europe cannot be directly compared t
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o the West African support schemes or the recent Latin American efforts to deconcentrate the media landscape and support to community media. There is no automatic relationship between the economic crisis and the scaling down of state support to media. The development and implementation of support schemes depend on political will." (Conclusion, page 31)
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"This policy briefing offers an empirical contribution to evolving thinking on governance within the international development landscape. Using the example of media, we argue that interventions designed to foster demand-based accountability may not be as successful in some fragile settings as more d
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iscursive platforms that aim to tackle problem-solving collectively. The paper thus underscores the need for locally embedded approaches to governance support that are both adaptive and reflective." (Conclusions)
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"Der Umgang mit den Relikten nationalsozialistischer Propaganda ist insbesondere in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland heftig umstritten; dies zeigen gerade die Diskussionen um eine wissenschaftliche Edition von Hitlers 'Mein Kampf'. Die Aufsätze des Bandes beschäftigen sich mit verschiedenen Propagan
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damedien des Nationalsozialismus sowohl im Hinblick auf ihre historische Wirksamkeit als auch vor dem Hintergrund ihrer Relevanz im heutigen geschichtskulturellen Diskurs über die Vergangenheit. Neben Hitlers Schrift 'Mein Kampf' und deren Rezeption in den Nachkriegsgesellschaften der Bundesrepublik, den Niederlanden und Israel widmen sich die einzelnen Aufsätze der nationalsozialistischen Tagespresse, verschiedenen Spielfilmproduktionen, der umstrittenen Ausstellungspraxis von NS-Sachzeugnissen und den von bundesrepublikanischen TV-Dokumentationen genutzten Ausschnitten aus den NS-Wochenschauen. Der Band resümiert, welchen Ort diese Relikte des Nationalsozialismus in der europäischen Erinnerungskultur einnehmen und wie sich der schmale Grat zwischen Aufklärung und Anziehungskraft in den vergangenen 70 Jahren wandelte." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This paper examines the extent social media is enabling e-democracy in Fiji, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. The study conducts an interpretative case study approach interviewing active social media users, political actors, civil servants, civilians, civil society actors and tertiary students. The stu
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dy also conducts a content analysis of popular “political social media” Facebook pages in these three countries. The findings of the study suggest that social media is playing a role in facilitating citizen engagement with governments, making governments accountable and providing a means for citizens to be informed, to discuss and share views on political matters. However, social media usage is evolving quite differently in these three countries and factors such as high levels of militarism (Fiji), high levels of corruption (Solomon Islands) and also rapid ICT development (Vanuatu) have contributed towards shaping the potential of social media as a democratic enabler and political tool in these countries." (Abstract)
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"Turkish television has undergone a distinctive transformation since the early 2000s in which new regulations, rapid market growth, and political pressures have interacted with and transformed each other. As Turkey set new records in 2013 for the highest number of journalists arrested worldwide, tel
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evision dramas have suffered from their fair share of political pressures, while the contemporary political agenda has, in turn, infiltrated the content of television dramas. This article analyzes the ways in which Turkish television dramas appear as a sphere of political contest." (Abstract)
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