"By delving into the detailed account of the Tunisian uprising, this article offers an explanation that sets the 2010 uprising apart from its precursors. The 2010 uprising was successful because activists successfully managed to bridge geographical and class divides as well as to converge offline an
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d online activisms. Such connection and convergence were made possible, first, through the availability of dramatic visual evidence that turned a local incident into a spectacle. Second, by successful frame alignment with a master narrative that culturally and politically resonated with the entire population. Third, by activating a hybrid network made of the connective structures to facilitate collective action – among Tunisians who shared collective identities and collective frames – and connective action – among individuals who sought more personalized paths to contribute to the movement through digital media." (Abstract)
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"Drawing on a historical approach to Malaysia's political development since independence, this paper argues that the political effects of the rise of Malaysia's new media are best understood as being parallel to those of modernization and socio-economic change from previous decades, which augured im
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portant changes in the political strategies of incumbent and opposition politicians, but did not upset the fundamental logic through which the Barisan Nasional (BN) regime has ruled since the 1970s." (Abstract)
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"This paper reflects the adaptation and transformation of the Chinese party-state's government strategy in the digital era. Through a discourse analysis of the current Chinese debate on the role of microblogs in China, it argues that China's political elites have revised their social management stra
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tegy. They now tend to base their political decision-making on strategic calculations that reflect online public opinion in order to increase the system's efficiency and to generate a new kind of performance-based legitimacy. This turn to a more responsive mode of governance has been driven by the findings of Internet surveys and reports provided by Chinese research institutes and advisory bodies. A close reading of these documents and reports helps to answer the question of why authoritarian states such as China do not prohibit the spread of new communication technologies, even though these are said to have triggered or at least facilitated the rebellions of the Arab Spring." (Abstract)
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"Mass media play a crucial role in information distribution and in the political market and public policy making. Theory predicts that information provided by the mass media reflects the media’s incentives to provide news to different groups in society and affects these groups’ influence in poli
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cy making. The paper use data on agricultural policy from 69 countries spanning a wide range of development stages and media markets to test these predictions. The empirical results are consistent with theoretical hypotheses that public support for agriculture is affected by the mass media. In particular, an increase in media (television) diffusion is associated with policies that benefit the majority to a greater extent and is correlated with a reduction in agriculture taxation in poor countries and a reduction in the subsidization of agriculture in rich countries, ceteris paribus. The empirical results are consistent with the hypothesis that increased competition in commercial media reduces transfers to special interest groups and contributes to more efficient public policies." (Abstract)
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"This report focuses on the role of factual debate and discussion programming, defined for the purposes of this review as “dialogic formats”, on political participation, knowledge and efficacy [...] The review of the existing evidence base is followed by an in-depth look at the relationship betw
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een exposure to one of BBC Media Action’s own debate programme formats and political participation. Factual debate and discussion programme formats have been implemented in a number of countries in which BBC Media Action has worked in recent years. This paper presents data from Nepal, where the political debate programme Sajha Sawal (Common Questions) has been broadcast nationally on radio and television for more than five years. The analysis provides evidence that exposure to a debate programme on the radio – which fulfils a mediated deliberation function – is positively associated with both latent and manifest forms of political participation. While it is not inferred that there is a causal relationship between the media output and political outcomes, the evidence presented goes some way to adding to the body of evidence of the impact dialogic programme formats have on interpersonal political discussion and more manifest types of participation in a developing country context, even when controlling for demographic factors and other personal characteristics." (Executive summary)
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"The review starts by elucidating the potential role of the media as a democratising agent. We then explore the relationship between media reform and institutional change during democratisation periods, and move to review the literature on the contribution of media to institution building and due pe
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rformance in Central and Eastern Europe. We continue the discussion on the effectiveness of media for democratisation by assessing the relationship between political accountability and the accountability function of ‘watchdog journalism’ in Latin America. This is followed by a review of major works that look at the media as an instigator to or determinant of changes in individuals’ political attitudes or behaviour during periods of democratisation. Later, we discuss in detail the relationship between the media and change for democracy in the most recent region of interest in terms of potential democratisation, the Arab world, and finally, we assess the media’s revolutionary roles in regime changes with particular focus on the rising debate about the connection between social media and the Arab Spring." (Executive summary)
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"This article discusses a popular Syrian television drama series, Bab al-Hara (The Neighborhood Gate), which ran for five seasons (2006-10). It is part of a genre of television series called the "Damascene milieu," which nostalgically dramatizes life in imagined Damascene neighborhoods in the late 1
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9th or early 20th centuries. The narrative of Bab al-Hara focuses on how a Syrian community lived under and resisted French colonial rule and its local collaborators. The article argues that the strategic imagination of the past in the series reflects the Syrian regime's project of national consolidation in Syria, a country sharply divided by class, sect, and local belonging and desperately seeking to bridge a gap between state authority and a national sense of belonging. However, within the context of the 2011 uprising, both regime and opposition discourses echoed themes and symbols from the series - demonstrating its political relevance. The article concludes that the series is a spectacular example of how popular culture, particularly in postcolonial and authoritarian contexts, contributes to the imagination of identity and memory in ways that are used by different national groups to bolster and contest political positions." (Abstract)
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"The objective of this work is approaching the political crisis occurred in Côte d´Ivoire after the contested elections of 2010, through the perspective of the Ivorian media and media professionals. This study draws theoretically on the media political economy and critical understanding of the rel
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ationship between democracy and the media. After a brief description of Côte d´Ivoire political history, as well as its media political economy, perceptions from foreign correspondents and Ivoirian journalist were gathered. Conclusions show the sheer complexity of the role played by the media, which goes beyond its information provider responsibility to turn into platforms for the political struggle in a highly political polarized environment. At the same time, it is demonstrated how foreign perceptions of Ivorian media performance are built against ideal representations of media that often fail to grasp particular contexts." (Abstract)
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"The June 2013 protests in Brazil caused a veritable political earthquake. Initially demanding the right to affordable public transportation, hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets to express their discontent, which gradually came to include the sluggish progress made in public heal
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th and education, corruption and high spending on the upcoming sporting events, all the while demanding more rights and the strengthening of democracy in the country. The media played a decisive role in the protests. While commercial broadcasters sought at first to stigmatize and criminalize the protesters as “vandals”, they were later forced to change, at least partially, their editorial stance by the excesses of police violence. Live coverage of the events on the streets by the alternative press provided diversified information and alternative interpretations that were disseminated on the social media, thus contributing to move up the debate on the democratization of communication on the public agenda. Any political reform must be preceded by a reform of the broadcasting regulatory framework or, at least, of the articles of the Constitution specifically addressing communication. The right to communication is a crosscutting issue as it not only strengthens media plurality, but also ensures civil, economic, and collective rights." (Abstract)
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"Philip N. Howard and Muzammil M. Hussain examine the complex role of the Internet, mobile phones, and social networking applications in the Arab Spring. Examining digital media access, level of grievance, and levels of protest for popular democratization in 16 countries in the Middle East and North
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Africa, Howard and Hussain conclude that digital media was neither the most nor the least important cause of the Arab Spring. Instead, they illustrate a complex web of conjoined causal factors for social mobilization. The Arab revolts cascaded across countries largely because digital media allowed communities to realize shared grievances and nurtured transportable strategies for mobilizing against dictators. Individuals were inspired to protest for personal reasons, but through social media they acted collectively." (Publisher description)
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"This book provides an accessible and systematic introduction to the media in transitional democracies. It analyses the problems that occur when transforming the media into independent institutions that are able to inform citizens and hold governments to account. The book covers the following topics
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: normative conceptions of media and democracy; the role of the past in the transition process; the internet as a new space for democratic change; the persistence of political interference in emerging democracies; the interlocking power of media markets and political ownership; the challenges to journalistic professionalism in post authoritarian contexts; the role of the media in divided societies. The book takes a global view by exploring the interplay of political and media transitions in different pathways of democratization that have taken place in Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia. It will be of interest to advanced students and scholars who want a better understanding of the media outside established Western democracies. The book will also be of great value to policymakers and activists who are involved in strengthening the media in transitional democracies." (Back cover)
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"The paper aims to address some of the theoretical and normative issues involved in transforming post-authoritarian media systems, which have been described and analysed in the country studies of this working paper series. The discussion starts by introducing the concept of ‘social constructivism
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as an effective theoretical tool to understand processes of institutional change in processes of democratic transition. Two key elements of media systems serve as examples to demonstrate the ‘social construction’ of norms and practices in different social and political contexts: partisanship and pluralism. While partisanship is seen as a deficiency of media systems, albeit widely practiced, pluralism is valued as an indispensible norm of democratic media, yet difficult to achieve." (Introduction)
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"A quarter of a century after the collapse of communism in the former Eastern bloc, a wide range of scholarly projects have been undertaken to compare and theorize processes of media change in the region. One question that scholars have sought to address is: what were the factors that crucially impa
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cted how these media landscapes evolved? This essay aims to contribute to this debate by juxtaposing media change in two selected cases: the Czech Republic (as a best-case scenario in terms of convergence with the Western model) and Russia (as a scenario where convergence has been limited). Based on secondary analysis of a wide range of sources, the essay systematically exposes 11 crucial differences between the two countries and illustrates how these have impacted the processes of media change. The conclusion sets out how these findings could serve as a starting point and source of inspiration for future comparative research." (Abstract)
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"We will, in this paper, argue that the concept of propaganda is still relevant in the context of post-communist Hungary. More particularly, we will suggest that, in contrast to the period 1998-2010 when modern political marketing methods were applied widely, the political campaigns launched under V
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iktor Orbán’s second government (2010–present) have marked a paradigm shift in the history of political communication in Hungary, best described as the revival of old-school propaganda. First, drawing on a distinction by Gunther and Diamond between proto-hegemonic and pluralist parties in the political realm, we will attempt to establish a theoretical dichotomy between political propaganda and political marketing in the communicative domain. Then we will demonstrate – through an analysis of three campaigns launched during the past three years – that the communication of the ruling proto-hegemonic Fidesz party and its Christian Democratic coalition ally meets the criteria of classic political propaganda. Finally, we will apply neo-Durkheimian media theory to describe the selected political campaigns as communication rituals and attempt to show that political propaganda may, under specific circumstances, actively involve, engage and mobilize target audiences." (Abstract)
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"The study samples Al Ahram, Al Wafd, the Freedom and Justice Party paper, Al Masry Al Youm, and Al Shorouk, five major dailies that represent the three categories of ownership prevalent in Egyptian media – government owned, partisan, and independent (or privately owned) papers. Using quantitative
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content analysis methodology with framing theory as a backdrop, this comparative research study aims to identify the dominant frames used across different outlets in the local press landscape to represent different political actors and issues in Egypt’s post-revolutionary political scene. The sampling period is the first nine months of the term of Egypt’s first-ever democratically elected president, Mohamed Morsi. The total sample yielded 290 articles. The results show that the five newspapers employed frames that mirrored their respective affiliations and ownership. Government-run Al Ahram and the Freedom and Justice Party paper employed frames that favored the ruling regime, Al Wafd took a decidedly anti-President Morsi tone, and independent papers Al Shorouk and Al Masry Al Youm exhibited more balanced coverage." (Abstract)
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"This paper focuses attention on randomised field experiments in the developing world that explicitly address the use of media to achieve democracy and governance (DG) outcomes [...] The first section describes the growth of DG assistance and the increasing interest in DG field experiments. The seco
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nd section describes the domain of media assistance targeted at DG outcomes. The third provides an overview of current experimental and quasi-experimental studies on the intersection between media, democracy and governance. The fourth and fifth sections describe some of the challenges to successfully employing field experiments to inform media assistance programmes. The final section concludes by arguing for the benefits of practitioner-academic collaborations that provide experimental evidence about the influences on as well as the effects of media content related to democracy and governance." (Page 4)
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