"Die Coronapandemie hat schonungslos die Schwachstellen der digitalen Gesellschaft aufgedeckt: die Digitalisierungsdefizite der öffentlichen Verwaltung, die schlechte digitale Ausstattung der Schulen und Universitäten, die Monopolstellung internationaler Digitalkonzerne, die Polarisierung in den s
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ozialen Medien, die digitale Spaltung der Gesellschaft in Stadt und Land und Arm und Reich. Auch die Demokratie und ihre Institutionen scheinen nur zum Teil auf die Herausforderungen der Digitalisierung vorbereitet zu sein. Gleichzeitig hat die Pandemie gesellschaftliche Digitalisierungspotenziale aufgezeigt und entsprechende Prozesse angestoßen oder beschleunigt, etwa hinsichtlich neuer digitaler Formen der Kommunikation und des Arbeitens, der Verwaltungsmodernisierung oder im Bereich demokratischer Partizipation. Die größte gesellschaftliche Aufgabe dürfte künftig sein, alte digitale Spaltungen und Ungleichheiten abzubauen und neuen vorzubeugen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This book has compiled the tech policy debate into a toolkit for policy makers, legal experts, and academics seeking to address platform dominance and its impact on society today. It discusses the global consensus around technology regulation with recommendations of cutting-edge policy innovations
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from around the world. It also explores the proposed policy toolkit through comprehensive coverage of existing and future policy on data, antitrust, competition, freedom of expression, jurisdiction, fake news, elections, liability, and accountability. The book identifies potential policy impacts on global communication, user rights, public welfare, and economic activity. It outlines a policy framework that address the interlocking challenges of contemporary tech regulation and offer actionable solutions for the technological future." (Publisher description)
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"This report was commissioned to examine the situation of media capture in Bulgaria. It is part of a series of reports produced by the International Press Institute (IPI) looking into this phenomenon in Central Europe." (Page 4)
"Social media influencers promote not only products and brands but also their opinions on serious topics like party politics or climate change. These so-called digital opinion leaders may exert a powerful impact on their followers’ political attitudes. Accordingly, we explore new directions to exp
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lain how influencers’ communication is related to political outcomes by proposing the concept of perceived simplification of politics (PSP). We argue that PSP may fuel political cynicism but also stimulate youth’s interest in politics. We also explore important boundary conditions of these associations. We use data from three studies, a two-wave panel survey of adolescents (NT2 =294), a cross-sectional survey of young adults (N=632), and a two-wave panel survey of young adults (NT2=496) in Germany between 2019 and 2020. Findings of all three studies show that the frequency of exposure to social media influencers’ content increases PSP. In Studies 1 and 2, PSP is related to higher political cynicism, while in Study 3, this relationship is restricted to influencers’ communication about environmental topics and gender equality. Furthermore, Studies 2 and 3 suggest that PSP also increases political interest—yet this association requires a certain level of parasocial interaction (PSI) with the influencer and is contingent on specific political topics." (Abstract)
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"This report specifically looks at the situation of local actors who, while they are impacted by the circulation of harmful content on social media or the moderation thereof, often find themselves unable to take effective action to improve their situation in that respect." (Introduction)
"Die Geschichte des dokumentarischen Films in Deutschland ist mehr als bloße Filmgeschichte. In ihr spiegelt sich auch die Medien-, Mentalitäts- und Gesellschaftsgeschichte. So thematisiert der Dokumentarfilm seit seinen Anfängen im ausgehenden 19. Jahrhundert die politischen, kulturellen und soz
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ialen Auseinandersetzungen und Umbrüche. Die dokumentarischen Formen, ob in Kino, Fernsehen oder im Internet, haben die gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven beobachtet, Missstände und Konflikte aufgezeigt und eine Vielfalt filmischer und erzählerischer Innovationen hervorgebracht. Trotz ihres Anspruchs, wirklichkeitsgetreue Abbilder der Realität zu vermitteln, standen sie im Laufe der Jahrzehnte aber immer wieder auch im Dienst von Werbung, Manipulation und Propaganda." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"En el Perú no ha llegado nuestro Trump, pero nadie se sorprenderá el día que aterrice. Porque aquí también show y política se han contaminado hasta no poder distinguirse. El entrevero es tal que el lector convendrá conmigo en que el premier Aníbal Torres resulta un cómico genuino, al tiemp
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o que el Cacash (Gerardo García), un youtuber de noticias satíricas, asemeja a un ciudadano serio y preocupado por el país. Los políticos dan risa y los comediantes informan. En este libro, Paul Alonso rastrea las hibridaciones entre información y entretenimiento en el Perú de las últimas tres décadas: el infotainment, un fenómeno que, después de todo, se trata de una evolución global que cuenta con exponentes admirables. El problema, en realidad, nos dice Alonso a modo de cierre, es que solo haya lugar para el infotainment. Porque si no diferenciamos entre espectáculo y política, estaremos condenados al interminable espectáculo de la política." (Editorial)
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"Digital infrastructure increasingly enables the extraction, exploitation, processing and analysis of personal and behavioural data. Data analytics have not just become the core of the digital economy but also constitute a growing feature of the public sector. Wide areas of public administration are
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now based on, or at least informed by, the aggregation of data for the purpose of profiling, categorising, sorting, rating, ranking and segmenting populations, and then treating them distinctly. Scoring systems and other forms of predictive analytics are prime means to assess citizens yet these systems are applied mostly without the knowledge of those being analysed and the exact mechanisms of data analytics remain obscure. Citizens are classified according to criteria that are not transparent, with consequences they do not know about, and without an open way of redress. As citizens are continuously profiled and evaluated, there is a power shift from citizens to the state. All this raises fundamental questions regarding the quality of democracy in a context of datafied administration and governance. Whereas a democracy requires that the people adopt the role of the sovereign, in a datafied society this sovereign does not have much knowledge, understanding, or say in how it is treated. Key questions arise: What are avenues for people to participate in decisions about the use of predictive analytics by public institutions? How can they intervene into an increasingly automated state? How can the datafied society be democratised? To investigate these questions, this report addresses six themes: 1. Institutional dynamics; 2. Initiatives of civic engagement; 3. Oversight and advisory bodies; 4. Civil society strategies; 5. Alternative Imaginaries and Infrastructures; 6. Data literacy." (Executive summary)
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"Africa's Voices Foundation in partnership with Rift Valley institute (RVI)'s Somali Dialogue Platform implemented a 3-month project between February 8th - May 7th 2022. The project promoted public dialogue around elections so as to understand citizens' perspectives on Somalia's national elections.
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It also amplified citizen voices in political processes and promoted peaceful messaging by using media spaces to contribute to the prevention - of violence. AVF utilized its existing Common Social Accountability Platform (CSAP) to deliver the project. The project aimed to contribute to RVI's Somali Dialogue Platform program by facilitating dialogue amongst Somalis on contentious political issues. At the end of the radio programming, AVF analyzed the rich audience engagement that emerged from the six interactive radio shows to generate insight from public opinion on the election and political processes from different demographic groups. The insights were synthesized to generate actionable recommendations for our partner, RVI, based on citizens' experiences and feedback on elections." (Executive summary)
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"Since 2018, we’ve been tracking academic studies that show in stark terms the impact journalism has on our democracy. This research review has become a critical guide for funders, policymakers, communities, and journalists who care about creating a healthier democracy. In 2022, we overhauled this
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resource, including adding a section that more clearly names the harms journalism has caused in our communities, especially communities of color. These studies and articles provide an enormous set of rigorous data that help quantify what happens when local communities have strong local news — and what happens when they lose it. Understanding the impact of quality local news on our democracy in these sorts of specific, data driven, nuanced ways is critical as we think about how to build a more equitable and sustainable future of local news that truly serves all communities at a moment of threat and uncertainty in democracy." (https://democracyfund.org)
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"As in previous years, the BTI 2022 has identified considerable regression worldwide with regard to trans-formation processes. The guiding principles of democracy and the market economy have been subjected to intense pressure and are being challenged by corrupt elites, illiberal populism and authori
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tarian rule. For the first time, the Transformation Index lists more authoritarian states than democratic states. At no time in the last 20 years has the BTI assessed levels of socioeconomic development and economic performance as being so low. The quality of government performance has also continued to decline, particularly with respect to the consensus-related aspects of governance." (Introduction)
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"1. Los noticiarios y los programas matinales, le otorgaron más del 10% de su tiempo a temas relacionados con el plebiscito y la nueva constitución. De este modo, los matinales fueron los programas no temáticos que más tiempo le dedicaron a estos temas. 2. Hubo equilibrio en el tiempo otorgado p
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or la TV a las opciones Apruebo y Rechazo. 3. En algunos casos, especialmente en noticiarios y matinales, la opción Apruebo obtuvo mayor presencia, debido a polémicas coyunturales. Los matinales y noticiarios tienden a cubrir ampliamente las controversias. 4. Las temáticas tratadas fueron principalmente dos: campañas y despliegue de comandos; y en segundo lugar, la discusión sobre propuestas constitucionales. Lo primero se encontró en matinales y noticiarios centrales; lo segundo, en programas temáticos sobre la constitución. 5. En cuanto a voces y actorías, hubo un fuerte desequilibrio de sexo en quienes participaron en matinales y noticiarios. Los programas temáticos, en cambio, lograron una mayor paridad de sexo. 6. Se invisibilizó casi por completo a los pueblos originarios y la sociedad civil. Hubo un 8% de presencia de expertos. En contraste, fueron los políticos quienes tuvieron el mayor tiempo en pantalla (82%, incluyendo en la categoría de "políticos" a los ex-constituyentes). En conclusión, La televisión tiende a entender el pluralismo como equilibrio de ideas, pero no como representación de la diversidad social." (Puntos clave, page 3)
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"This report, part of the Center for International Media Assistance's "Media Reform amid Political Upheaval" series, re-views Sudan's media climate and examines the role of Sudan's government, media, foreign donors, and international me-dia assistance actors in attempting to foster change in a count
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ry that is among the most inhospitable environments in the world for independent media." (Pages 1, 2)
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"Memes dienen nicht nur der popkulturellen Unterhaltung oder der Kunst, sie werden auch in der Politik, in lokalen und internationalen Wahlkämpfen oder auf Demonstrationen verwendet. In ihrer typischsten Form sind sie Text-Bild-Gefüge, die sich digital mit viraler Geschwindigkeit verbreiten und tr
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ansformieren. Joanna Nowotny und Julian Reidy nehmen sich dieses Internetphänomens aus kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive an. Sie betreten Neuland, indem sie einzelne Memes kasuistisch analysieren und ihre Erkenntnisse systematisieren, um diese digitale Kommunikationsform definitorisch neu zu bestimmen – in stetem Bezug zu anderen digitalen Phänomenen wie dem trolling." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Through in-depth semi-structured interviews with 18 Filipino reporters and editors from three influential media outlets that then President Rodrigo Duterte targeted as enemies – the broadcaster ABS-CBN, the newspaper Philippine Daily Inquirer, and the website Rappler – this paper offers novel i
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nsights on journalists’ counterstrategies with appeals to their strengthened roles as watchdogs, interpreters and disseminators of populist communication. Findings indicate that journalists discard practices like false equivalence and shift roles including from being detached observers to media freedom advocates and truth activists to respond to institutional attacks, rising disinformation, and perceived democratic erosion as they seek to speak truth to a populist in power. The study provides theoretical and empirical contributions by combining paradigm repair and role perceptions as tools in analyzing journalists’ responses to legitimacy threats, and by presenting an understudied case of anti-media populism in the Global South." (Abstract)
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"This paper is the summary of the results of a research project lasting over six months, covering domestic and foreign hidden malign influence activities pursued through the so-called "grey zone" media in three countries - the Czech Republic, Serbia and Hungary -, during a period of heightened inter
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national tensions related to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Political Capital has assessed in numerous studies how the Kremlin or the Hungarian hybrid political regime has used their extensive media empire to conduct active measures or political smear-campaigns in service of political or geopolitical goals. In this study, we set out to understand the inner workings of clandestine disinformation campaigns carried out by mostly anonymous media actors to conduct or influence political campaigns, specifically in the run-up to the Czech, Serbian and Hungarian elections, and destabilise the region in general after the outbreak of the war." (Page 2)
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"Recently several European countries shifted to illiberalism and made attempts to dominate the media and political narratives. The question we raise is how media populism in Hungary contributes to the buttressing of the regime by discrediting protests. We offer a four-level media analysis. First, we
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ask whether the pro-government media is characterized by so-called selection bias. Second, we focus on framing bias relying on ideas presented by the protest paradigm. Third, we highlight the tone of disdain that characterizes numerous pro-governmental utterances. Finally, we point out the significance of iconic frames. Contrary to our expectations, we found no selection bias, but there was a clear framing bias in progovernmental media, which was made harsher by the derogatory tone of pro-governmental media and the dog-whistling produced by iconic frames. By identifying how media populism operates, our aim is to offer a way to grasp democratic backsliding by concentrating on the media." (Abstract)
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"In Turkey, the AKP came to power in 2002 at a time marked by a relatively pro-European Union and pluralistic outlook in politics. The democratic backsliding in Turkey has been more obvious since 2007 and the start of the AKP’s second term in power. It deepened especially after the 2016 coup attem
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pt and the transition to a presidential system in 2017. This democratic regression has also impacted on the media sector globally, especially through various coercive and non-coercive media capture strategies. Media concentration has been ongoing in many countries for many decades with a concomitant negative impact on media freedom, leading to a gradual decline in free and independent media. Current forms of media capture are considered more impactful than earlier methods, due to the rise of business structures that operate in tandem with state authorities to capture media outlets. In Turkey, and across those countries in which media capture is prevalent, the mainstream media is vanishing as a result of polarization; two distinct journalisms are emerging in their place, one of which is based on a propaganda model and erodes media and press freedom." (Summary)
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"This report leverages social media data to provide real-time measures of how diverse elites have strategically co-opted protest narratives during Lebanon's 2019 October revolution. Social media data provides temporally granular measures of elites' political communication strategies, as well as thei
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r ability to spread their messages and influence online discourse more broadly. Qualitative evidence suggests that Lebanese elites have often engaged in co-optation strategies aimed at undermining and fragmenting opposition movements, including during the 2019 revolution. Twitter data enables us to track elites' shifting strategies systematically, evaluating when and how they pursue co-optation and counter-narrative strategies in real-time." (Introduction, page 2)
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