"(No) es la comunicación… es la política cuenta cómo los gobiernos han dejado la dirección de la política, la economía y la sociedad a la comunicación. 24 autores en 13 países del continente americano escribieron sobre el uso de la comunicación en tiempos de pandemia. Los textos señalan
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cómo, durante la pandemia, las estrategias de comunicación priorizaron “vender” los atributos y personalidades de los líderes que gobernaban por encima de construir ciudad y ciudadanos. Aunque queda claro que la comunicación es fundamental en el manejo de las crisis de gobierno es realmente la política la que dirige la estrategia pública y construye la vida colectiva de un país. No todo puede ser comunicación. En este libro se argumenta que es la política la que hace a la democracia. Creer que 'comunicar es gobernar' es un error." (Cubierta del libro)
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"This paper offers a critical overview of anti-war propaganda in the Russian language during the first six months of the war and identifies the reasons for its limited success. After a review of the challenges to current forms of propaganda, the paper offers practical recommendations to improve the
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work in this area." (Page 3)
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"The movement that mobilized to oppose Alyaksandr Lukashenka in August 2020 was notable for its ability to bridge divisions of social class, geography, age, and identity. Almost uniquely among post-Soviet revolutionary movements, the Belarusians who rose up were not divided from those who did not al
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ong clearly discernible sociodemographic, ethnic, linguistic, or regional lines. They were, however, separated by one very stark barrier: the one separating the country’s two distinct media systems, one controlled by the state, and one independent. Drawing on an original survey conducted in September 2020, just as the protest movement was reaching its peak, this article finds that respondents’ choice of news media was the strongest and most consistent predictor of their political opinions. Media, then, appear to have served not merely as aggregators of and conduits for social processes generated elsewhere, but as the producers of social and political force in their own right." (Abstract)
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"This study points to several recommendations for how international donors can improve support for media sector reform in countries at critical political junctures, and how they can build upon and strengthen approaches that have been effective in the past. Donor support is more likely to be effectiv
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e when it is driven by a deeper understanding of the political dynamics surrounding media sector reform, including the potential weaknesses in state capacity and threats to sustained political will. As such, donor agencies need to provide robust funding and technical support for rigorous media sector assessments led by local experts, targeted efforts to cement local leadership, and dedicated technical and financial support for consensus building. A common blueprint for assistance does not exist—different strategies are needed that are attuned to the strength and commitment of the state, the capacity and cohesion of civil society, and the persistence of anti-democratic forces. Intervening early in a transition, when priorities are established and plans are drawn up, pays better dividends, and long-term assistance is critical to ensuring the sector is not co-opted by political and societal rivalries." (Conclusion, page 31-32)
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"On the basis of an online survey conducted among young Chinese adults, this study examines how the association between media usage and political trust can be explained by three factors: the mediating roles of the perceived credibility of traditional and social media; the moderating roles of trust i
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n sources – media and non-media sources alike; and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) membership. Analyses support the idea that (1) the perceived credibility of political information obtained from traditional and social media is a significant mediator, and that (2) traditional media credibility has a stronger effect than social media credibility." (Abstract)
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"En el primer capítulo se expone cómo se están dando las dinámicas de participación ciudadana en la TV abierta. El segundo capítulo ahonda en la caracterización de los controlantes de los operadores de TV abierta. El tercer capítulo expone las tendencias en materia de pluralismo de los progr
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amas informativos y de opinión y el cuarto capítulo presenta los hallazgos obtenidos con la aplicación del instrumento para determinar tipologías, factores y niveles de riesgo, tanto en el pluralismo informativo como en la independencia de los medios, que fue desarrollado mediante talleres focales y acompañamiento del equipo consultor, en los cuales participaron expertos, académicos y periodistas, además de miembros de la autoridad regulatoria." (Introducción, página 4)
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"Theoretical scholarship on media democratisation neglects the role of representing groups in civil society, which in new democracies emerging from authoritarian regimes are frequently marginalised. These groups may also contest the form of democracy that has been implemented, and the way in which i
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t deals with key transitional issues such as past human rights violations. This study focuses on how such groups are represented in one postauthoritarian society: Uruguay, which returned to democracy in 1985. Through examining media access for civil society groups in the newspaper coverage of two critical plebiscites on transitional justice issues (1989 and 2009), combined with interviews with journalists and civil society representatives, it argues that there are significant barriers to media access for civil society actors in the return to democracy, which relate both to changes during the democratisation process and domestic journalistic norms. This signals the need for both greater attention to the normative media role of representation during processes of democratisation and a more critical approach to media democratisation theory." (Abstract)
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"The fourth edition of the Global State of Democracy Report comes at a time when democracy is under both literal and figurative assault around the world. The steady drumbeat of such warnings—included in the previous edition of this report, which was produced at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic
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always runs the risk of becoming background noise, as today’s crisis can quickly become tomorrow’s new normal. But the dangers are real. Beyond the lingering pandemic, today’s wars and a looming global recession, lies the challenge of climate change and all it entails—severe weather events, the necessary green transition and multi-fold consequences for democratic governance [...] But contrary to what democratic pessimists may suggest, authoritarian countries and alternative systems of government have not outperformed their democratic peers. Discontent at the neverending stream of Chinese lockdowns and the tens of thousands of draft dodgers fleeing Russia for an uncertain existence in the South Caucasus and Central Asia show that it is not just in democracies where the social contract is in urgent need of renewal." (Preface)
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"This thesis uses a comparative case study to examine Tanzania and Ghana, two countries where China has contributed or sold large amounts of infrastructure, but who have seen different political reactions to and uses of this infrastructure. It poses the question: how do we explain the differing path
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s these two emerging democracies take in their political utilization of unregulated digital infrastructure investment? By analyzing elections and regulation in both countries over a period of roughly 15 years, this thesis examines the role that the timing of the introduction of digital infrastructure plays in each country's political reaction. It argues that in Tanzania, where digital infrastructure was adopted later than Ghana, country leaders perceived the internet as a threat to their hold on power and therefore internally developed a 'normal' standard of behavior and governance that was much less open. Ultimately, it concludes that countries combine internal concepts with outside rhetoric, both from China and the Global North, to justify their actions internationally." (Abstract)
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"Este livro apresenta as discussões promovidas no âmbito do 44º Ciclo de Estudos Interdisciplinares da Comunicação, evento integrante do 44º Congresso Brasileiro de Ciências da Comunicação, realizado de 4 a 9 de outubro de 2021, em modo virtual, pela Universidade Católica de Pernambuco. Em
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2021, o tema do Congresso da INTERCOM foi Comunicação e resistência: práticas de liberdade para a cidadania. O Ciclo de Estudos foi aberto com uma conferência sobre o tema do Congresso e seguiu-se a realização de quatro mesas. O livro traz as reflexões propostas pela conferencista principal, a professora Nita Freire e os quatro convidados de cada uma das quatro mesas, totalizando 17 textos, ao final." (INTERCOM)
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"E-participation is the use of Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) or digital technologies to involve citizens in public decision-making with the goal of empowering citizens and for the benefit of society as a whole. It is part of e-governance, a term that refers to the use of ICTs in
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governance functions. Broadly, e-governance comprises government service provision (e-government); government information platforms and e-participation platforms through which public decision-making takes place. Developments in digital technologies have led to convergence of one or all of e-governance components. For example, with the COVID-19 pandemic, many governments publish health information online for their citizens. During particular campaigns, such as vaccination drives, government officers use their systems to contact people, collect data and provide the vaccination and follow-ups. The same system may be used to collect feedback on services received." (Introduction, page 1)
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"Vor etwas mehr als 20 Jahren gründeten Mitglieder der DVPW-Sektion Internationale Beziehungen eine Mailingliste. Seitdem haben Generationen von Forschenden und Studierenden die ib-liste abonniert (und sicher oft auch wieder abbestellt). Dieser Beitrag nimmt das kürzliche Jubiläum zum Anlass, die
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Rolle der Liste als digitaler Kommunikationskanal für die deutschsprachige IB-Community zu beleuchten. Dazu haben wir die Absenderadressen und Betreffzeilen von rund 28.000 E-Mails zwischen 2012 und 2020 ausgewertet. Darauf basierend untersuchen wir die Interaktionsmuster der Liste anhand dreier Leitfragen. Erstens lässt sich eine Professionalisierung der Kommunikation feststellen. Eine Spitzengruppe aus rund 500 regelmäßigen Nutzer*innen ist für 42,5 Prozent der Nachrichten verantwortlich. Zweitens hat sich der Kreis der Aktiven über den ursprünglichen Kern der Wissenschafts-Community hinaus erweitert. Nur rund ein Drittel der Beiträge hat einen direkten Bezug zu Forschung oder Lehre. Es überwiegen Hinweis auf Veranstaltungen für welt- und außenpolitische Interessierte sowie außeruniversitäre Stellenausschreibungen. Drittens ist die Liste moderat internationalisiert, was sich vor allem an der Häufigkeit englischsprachiger Betreffzeilen zeigt. Diese sind bei Nachrichten mit Wissenschaftsbezug in der Überzahl. Insgesamt dient die Liste im untersuchten Zeitraum somit nicht nur einer Kerngemeinschaft für IB-Forschung und Lehre, sondern verzahnt diese mit benachbarten Communitys aus der Zivilgesellschaft." (Abstract)
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"The spread of disinformation has received significant attention in recent years, yet little has been paid to government disinformation, and whether governments may violate freedom of expression not only in how they regulate disinformation, but also in how they facilitate, sow and spread it. This ar
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ticle analyses whether and to what extent Article 10 of the ECHR is engaged by government disinformation. It extends the analysis from well-established violations of freedom of expression—overt censorship and withholding information—into novel forms of government interference in the ‘post-truth’ age: false claims of ‘fake news’ levelled at the press and intentional lies about matters of public importance. These latter categories warrant further attention, as governments can cause just as much harm to public discourse and debate by intentionally injecting falsehoods as by censoring truth. A purposive approach to freedom of expression is needed to protect not only the means of expression, but also the ends—vibrant democratic discourse and meaningful public debate." (Abstract)
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"Los diálogos públicos ponen en práctica el periodismo de intermediación, generando espacios de encuentro, presenciales o virtuales, en medios radiofónicos y plataformas multimedia, para que los y las protagonistas o actores sociales de una determinada situación de conflicto, dialoguen y busqu
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en entendimientos y alternativas con el propósito de lograr una convivencia armónica y de respeto a los derechos de las personas. Este formato, que CORAPE realiza en Ecuador, toma como base la experiencia de los diálogos públicos que produce la Fundación UNIR en Bolivia y ha sido modificado y adaptado al contexto ecuatoriano. En la presente guía hemos detallado cada uno de los pasos para planificar y desarrollar un diálogo público, desde la parte teórica hasta su puesta en acción." (Presentación)
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"This book demonstrates the crucial link between gender and structures of power in democratic Indonesia, and the role of the online news media in regulating this relationship of power. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA) as a theoretical framework, and social actor analysis as the methodological
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approach, this book examines the discursive representation of three prominent female Indonesian political figures in the mainstream Indonesian online news media in a period of social-political transition. It presents newfound linguistic evidence in the form of discourse strategies that reflect the women's dynamic relationship with power. More broadly, the critical analysis of the news discourse becomes a way of uncovering and evaluating implicit barriers and opportunities affecting women's political participation in Indonesia and other Asian political contexts, Indonesia's process of democratisation, and the influential role of the online news media in shaping and reflecting political discourse." (Publisher description)
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"Chapo Guzmán was the leader of the Sinaloa Cartel. Although he was a well-known criminal, there is a scarcity of first-hand information about his career. This situation raises a question: how did Guzmán become a public figure without having public exposure? This communicative phenomenon is possib
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le because drug cartels have sophisticated propaganda techniques that allow them to challenge the state not only in the military realm but also in the cultural realm. Among other media, these criminal organizations use narcocorridos, a popular music genre, as a medium for propaganda. This article studies, through a narrative analysis of 66 lyrics, how music, as a form of political communication, is used as propaganda. This study found three main narratives in the narcocorridos dedicated to Guzmán: (i) the origins of this drug dealer; (ii) the masculine features that led him to be a global kingpin; and (iii) his genius for corrupting political systems. These lyrics are propaganda because: (a) they spread knowledge in the form of stories about Guzmán; (b) they create a mythology about the kingpin and the narco-world; and (c) they distort reality by picturing Guzmán as a great man and blur reality by suppressing any reference to the drug wars." (Abstract)
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"La aparición de las redes sociodigitales a mediados de la primera década de 2000 fue recibida con entusiasmo y recelo por diversos sectores sociales. Los ciudadanos vieron en espacios como Facebook, Twitter y, más recientemente, Instagram, una consolidación de la autocomunicación de masas plan
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teada por Manuel Castells en 1997 que acercaba el poder de la información y la comunicación a las personas del común, mientras los políticos dudaban entre si era un riesgo o una oportunidad en la disputa del poder en la opinión pública. Lo ocurrido en los casi veinte años de vida de las redes sociodigitales ha mostrado su poder de movilización social (Occupy Wall Street, Primavera Árabe, #MeToo) y su impacto político, pero también ha expuesto varios riesgos derivados del uso social y de los algoritmos que controlan la red, entre ellos las cámaras de eco, la espiral de silencio, el contenido engañoso (misinformation), el contenido falso (desinformación), el exceso de información (infodemia) y la presencia de bots que replican información para convertirla en tendencia u ocultar contenidos." (Publisher description)
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"This book uses decolonisation as a lens to interrogate political communication styles, performance, and practice in Africa and the diaspora. The book interrogates the theory and practice of political communication, using decolonial research methods to begin a process of self-reflexivity and the cre
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ation of a new approach to knowledge production about African political communication. In doing so, it explores political communication approaches that might until recently have been considered subversive or dissident: forms of political communication that served to challenge imposed western norms and to empower African citizens and their histories. Centring African scholarship, the book draws on case studies from across the continent, including Zimbabwe, South Africa, Nigeria and Ghana." (Publisher description)
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"This book explores Gandhi's engagement with print news media. It examines how Gandhi, the man and his message, negotiated with the sociopolitical circumstances of his milieu and the methods of communication that he adopted towards this end. It analyses the role that he played in building up alterna
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tive modes of communication in South Africa and India. This volume elucidates his interactions with the colonial communication order and his contestations of the same through various methods that included setting up new journals and newspapers and taking on the role of writer, journalist, editor, and publisher. It unveils Gandhi's engagement with mass media and print journalism, particularly concerning issues of conflict and conflict resolution, as well as social transformation right from his days in London to the last days of his life." (Publisher description)
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"This chapter critically discusses how the democratic arena is changing and deteriorating due to the impact of the power of social media platforms. The focus is on the consequences that personalized forms of information and digital affordances can produce, leading to online information cocoons or fi
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lter bubbles that limit the range of political ideas that people can encounter. Then, the threats to democracy and liberty produced by closed online spaces in which people of similar opinions can congregate are discussed. Finally, the chapter analyses an approach to the regulation of social media based on assessing the nature of digital capitalism and how we pay for the digital services offered by social media platforms." (Abstract)
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