"This book uses decolonisation as a lens to interrogate political communication styles, performance, and practice in Africa and the diaspora. The book interrogates the theory and practice of political communication, using decolonial research methods to begin a process of self-reflexivity and the cre
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ation of a new approach to knowledge production about African political communication. In doing so, it explores political communication approaches that might until recently have been considered subversive or dissident: forms of political communication that served to challenge imposed western norms and to empower African citizens and their histories. Centring African scholarship, the book draws on case studies from across the continent, including Zimbabwe, South Africa, Nigeria and Ghana." (Publisher description)
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"Digital infrastructure increasingly enables the extraction, exploitation, processing and analysis of personal and behavioural data. Data analytics have not just become the core of the digital economy but also constitute a growing feature of the public sector. Wide areas of public administration are
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now based on, or at least informed by, the aggregation of data for the purpose of profiling, categorising, sorting, rating, ranking and segmenting populations, and then treating them distinctly. Scoring systems and other forms of predictive analytics are prime means to assess citizens yet these systems are applied mostly without the knowledge of those being analysed and the exact mechanisms of data analytics remain obscure. Citizens are classified according to criteria that are not transparent, with consequences they do not know about, and without an open way of redress. As citizens are continuously profiled and evaluated, there is a power shift from citizens to the state. All this raises fundamental questions regarding the quality of democracy in a context of datafied administration and governance. Whereas a democracy requires that the people adopt the role of the sovereign, in a datafied society this sovereign does not have much knowledge, understanding, or say in how it is treated. Key questions arise: What are avenues for people to participate in decisions about the use of predictive analytics by public institutions? How can they intervene into an increasingly automated state? How can the datafied society be democratised? To investigate these questions, this report addresses six themes: 1. Institutional dynamics; 2. Initiatives of civic engagement; 3. Oversight and advisory bodies; 4. Civil society strategies; 5. Alternative Imaginaries and Infrastructures; 6. Data literacy." (Executive summary)
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"The movement that mobilized to oppose Alyaksandr Lukashenka in August 2020 was notable for its ability to bridge divisions of social class, geography, age, and identity. Almost uniquely among post-Soviet revolutionary movements, the Belarusians who rose up were not divided from those who did not al
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ong clearly discernible sociodemographic, ethnic, linguistic, or regional lines. They were, however, separated by one very stark barrier: the one separating the country’s two distinct media systems, one controlled by the state, and one independent. Drawing on an original survey conducted in September 2020, just as the protest movement was reaching its peak, this article finds that respondents’ choice of news media was the strongest and most consistent predictor of their political opinions. Media, then, appear to have served not merely as aggregators of and conduits for social processes generated elsewhere, but as the producers of social and political force in their own right." (Abstract)
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"Theoretical scholarship on media democratisation neglects the role of representing groups in civil society, which in new democracies emerging from authoritarian regimes are frequently marginalised. These groups may also contest the form of democracy that has been implemented, and the way in which i
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t deals with key transitional issues such as past human rights violations. This study focuses on how such groups are represented in one postauthoritarian society: Uruguay, which returned to democracy in 1985. Through examining media access for civil society groups in the newspaper coverage of two critical plebiscites on transitional justice issues (1989 and 2009), combined with interviews with journalists and civil society representatives, it argues that there are significant barriers to media access for civil society actors in the return to democracy, which relate both to changes during the democratisation process and domestic journalistic norms. This signals the need for both greater attention to the normative media role of representation during processes of democratisation and a more critical approach to media democratisation theory." (Abstract)
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"Este livro apresenta as discussões promovidas no âmbito do 44º Ciclo de Estudos Interdisciplinares da Comunicação, evento integrante do 44º Congresso Brasileiro de Ciências da Comunicação, realizado de 4 a 9 de outubro de 2021, em modo virtual, pela Universidade Católica de Pernambuco. Em
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2021, o tema do Congresso da INTERCOM foi Comunicação e resistência: práticas de liberdade para a cidadania. O Ciclo de Estudos foi aberto com uma conferência sobre o tema do Congresso e seguiu-se a realização de quatro mesas. O livro traz as reflexões propostas pela conferencista principal, a professora Nita Freire e os quatro convidados de cada uma das quatro mesas, totalizando 17 textos, ao final." (INTERCOM)
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"Los diálogos públicos ponen en práctica el periodismo de intermediación, generando espacios de encuentro, presenciales o virtuales, en medios radiofónicos y plataformas multimedia, para que los y las protagonistas o actores sociales de una determinada situación de conflicto, dialoguen y busqu
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en entendimientos y alternativas con el propósito de lograr una convivencia armónica y de respeto a los derechos de las personas. Este formato, que CORAPE realiza en Ecuador, toma como base la experiencia de los diálogos públicos que produce la Fundación UNIR en Bolivia y ha sido modificado y adaptado al contexto ecuatoriano. En la presente guía hemos detallado cada uno de los pasos para planificar y desarrollar un diálogo público, desde la parte teórica hasta su puesta en acción." (Presentación)
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"Los 63 editoriales analizados confirman que quiénes tienen la posibilidad de hacer uso de la palabra (Ranciere, 2014), a través de las vías institucionales, continúan siendo las élites. Si tuviéramos que contar la historia de lo ocurrido entre el 18 de octubre y hasta el 15 de noviembre del 2
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019, solamente a partir de lo señalado a través de estos textos del diario El Mercurio, lo primero que podríamos señalar es que quiénes emiten palabras son las élites, y quiénes son los destinatarios de dichas palabras transformadas en discursos, son también, mayoritariamente, las élites. En este dominio del discurso que se evidencia, monopolizan también los contenidos, pues aún cuando la macroestructura semántica mayoritaria que se aborda son “las causas del conflicto”, nunca son convocados quiénes manifiestan el malestar inicial. Los subalternos, es decir, la mayor parte de las personas que conforman la sociedad chilena, quedan fuera de esta suerte de intercambio, en tanto no tienen forma de acceder a él, pues no basta con leer estos editoriales, el punto radica en que el medio de comunicación estudiado no considera a los subalternos como su destinatario ni como fuente y, por lo tanto, el tratamiento de la información y la consecuente influencia que se busca generar no está dirigida a este grupo social mayoritario." (Conclusión, página 143-144)
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"Through in-depth semi-structured interviews with 18 Filipino reporters and editors from three influential media outlets that then President Rodrigo Duterte targeted as enemies – the broadcaster ABS-CBN, the newspaper Philippine Daily Inquirer, and the website Rappler – this paper offers novel i
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nsights on journalists’ counterstrategies with appeals to their strengthened roles as watchdogs, interpreters and disseminators of populist communication. Findings indicate that journalists discard practices like false equivalence and shift roles including from being detached observers to media freedom advocates and truth activists to respond to institutional attacks, rising disinformation, and perceived democratic erosion as they seek to speak truth to a populist in power. The study provides theoretical and empirical contributions by combining paradigm repair and role perceptions as tools in analyzing journalists’ responses to legitimacy threats, and by presenting an understudied case of anti-media populism in the Global South." (Abstract)
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"Democracies are at a critical juncture, under growing internal and external pressures. This publication sheds light on the important public governance challenges countries face today in preserving and strengthening their democracies, including fighting mis- and disinformation; improving government
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openness, citizen participation and inclusiveness; and embracing global responsibilities and building resilience to foreign influence. It also looks at two cross-cutting themes that will be crucial for robust, effective democracies: transforming public governance for digital democracy and gearing up government to deliver on climate and other environmental challenges. These areas lay out the foundations of the new OECD Reinforcing Democracy Initiative, which has also involved the development of action plans to support governments in responding to these challenges." (Publisher description)
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"This book has compiled the tech policy debate into a toolkit for policy makers, legal experts, and academics seeking to address platform dominance and its impact on society today. It discusses the global consensus around technology regulation with recommendations of cutting-edge policy innovations
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from around the world. It also explores the proposed policy toolkit through comprehensive coverage of existing and future policy on data, antitrust, competition, freedom of expression, jurisdiction, fake news, elections, liability, and accountability. The book identifies potential policy impacts on global communication, user rights, public welfare, and economic activity. It outlines a policy framework that address the interlocking challenges of contemporary tech regulation and offer actionable solutions for the technological future." (Publisher description)
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"Die Geschichte des dokumentarischen Films in Deutschland ist mehr als bloße Filmgeschichte. In ihr spiegelt sich auch die Medien-, Mentalitäts- und Gesellschaftsgeschichte. So thematisiert der Dokumentarfilm seit seinen Anfängen im ausgehenden 19. Jahrhundert die politischen, kulturellen und soz
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ialen Auseinandersetzungen und Umbrüche. Die dokumentarischen Formen, ob in Kino, Fernsehen oder im Internet, haben die gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven beobachtet, Missstände und Konflikte aufgezeigt und eine Vielfalt filmischer und erzählerischer Innovationen hervorgebracht. Trotz ihres Anspruchs, wirklichkeitsgetreue Abbilder der Realität zu vermitteln, standen sie im Laufe der Jahrzehnte aber immer wieder auch im Dienst von Werbung, Manipulation und Propaganda." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Brazilians have adopted WhatsApp as a national media and communication infrastructure over the past several years, although it is controlled by its private US-based owner, Facebook. This article explores the diverse, contentious and influential roles the app played in the country during disruptions
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to its use from 2015 to 2018. Using content analysis, we critically engage with user-generated memes and news media coverage responding to these disruptions. In these cases, Brazilians self-reflexively questioned the app’s role in their everyday lives and country, reassessing what it means to rely on a national infrastructure owned by an unaccountable global media conglomerate." (Abstract)
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"This article aims to identify the sounds, editorial policies and values promoted by Radio Moçambique (RM) during the so-called “socialist period” (1975–1986). Given the high illiteracy rate in the country, RM became the primary medium for informing the populations of FRELIMO’s ideology –
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the ruling party within a single-party regime – and for spreading the values related to the “new Mozambican man” project. Building on Marissa Moorman’s “sonorous capitalism” concept (2008), this article explores the place of music in promoting and anticipating political and cultural changes in post-colonial Mozambique." (Abstract)
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"The Media for Democracy Monitor (MDM) assesses the performance of leading news media in mature democracies with regard to the three core dimensions of democracy: freedom, equality, and control. After monitoring 10 countries in 2011, the MDM project expanded to cover the leading news media of 18 dem
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ocracies in 2021. In this book, the most salient results from the MDM were selected to undergo cross-country and longitudinal comparison, searching for patterns and tendencies across countries, with a particular focus on the influence of digitalisation. Some of the key results are the ubiquitousness of the news media’s financial crisis, increasing consumption gaps as younger generations prefer online platforms, and persisting gender inequalities, both in news content and in newsrooms. However, the volume also shows that the reach of news media remains high, the watchdog role and investigative journalism are increasingly relevant in daily practice, and that public service media, in general, continues to play a vital role for democracy. These results have implications for media policies, regulations, and practices to improve news quality and, ultimately, democracy worldwide." (Publisher description)
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"Die Coronapandemie hat schonungslos die Schwachstellen der digitalen Gesellschaft aufgedeckt: die Digitalisierungsdefizite der öffentlichen Verwaltung, die schlechte digitale Ausstattung der Schulen und Universitäten, die Monopolstellung internationaler Digitalkonzerne, die Polarisierung in den s
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ozialen Medien, die digitale Spaltung der Gesellschaft in Stadt und Land und Arm und Reich. Auch die Demokratie und ihre Institutionen scheinen nur zum Teil auf die Herausforderungen der Digitalisierung vorbereitet zu sein. Gleichzeitig hat die Pandemie gesellschaftliche Digitalisierungspotenziale aufgezeigt und entsprechende Prozesse angestoßen oder beschleunigt, etwa hinsichtlich neuer digitaler Formen der Kommunikation und des Arbeitens, der Verwaltungsmodernisierung oder im Bereich demokratischer Partizipation. Die größte gesellschaftliche Aufgabe dürfte künftig sein, alte digitale Spaltungen und Ungleichheiten abzubauen und neuen vorzubeugen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This report was commissioned to examine the situation of media capture in Bulgaria. It is part of a series of reports produced by the International Press Institute (IPI) looking into this phenomenon in Central Europe." (Page 4)
"This report specifically looks at the situation of local actors who, while they are impacted by the circulation of harmful content on social media or the moderation thereof, often find themselves unable to take effective action to improve their situation in that respect." (Introduction)
"As in previous years, the BTI 2022 has identified considerable regression worldwide with regard to trans-formation processes. The guiding principles of democracy and the market economy have been subjected to intense pressure and are being challenged by corrupt elites, illiberal populism and authori
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tarian rule. For the first time, the Transformation Index lists more authoritarian states than democratic states. At no time in the last 20 years has the BTI assessed levels of socioeconomic development and economic performance as being so low. The quality of government performance has also continued to decline, particularly with respect to the consensus-related aspects of governance." (Introduction)
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"1. Los noticiarios y los programas matinales, le otorgaron más del 10% de su tiempo a temas relacionados con el plebiscito y la nueva constitución. De este modo, los matinales fueron los programas no temáticos que más tiempo le dedicaron a estos temas. 2. Hubo equilibrio en el tiempo otorgado p
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or la TV a las opciones Apruebo y Rechazo. 3. En algunos casos, especialmente en noticiarios y matinales, la opción Apruebo obtuvo mayor presencia, debido a polémicas coyunturales. Los matinales y noticiarios tienden a cubrir ampliamente las controversias. 4. Las temáticas tratadas fueron principalmente dos: campañas y despliegue de comandos; y en segundo lugar, la discusión sobre propuestas constitucionales. Lo primero se encontró en matinales y noticiarios centrales; lo segundo, en programas temáticos sobre la constitución. 5. En cuanto a voces y actorías, hubo un fuerte desequilibrio de sexo en quienes participaron en matinales y noticiarios. Los programas temáticos, en cambio, lograron una mayor paridad de sexo. 6. Se invisibilizó casi por completo a los pueblos originarios y la sociedad civil. Hubo un 8% de presencia de expertos. En contraste, fueron los políticos quienes tuvieron el mayor tiempo en pantalla (82%, incluyendo en la categoría de "políticos" a los ex-constituyentes). En conclusión, La televisión tiende a entender el pluralismo como equilibrio de ideas, pero no como representación de la diversidad social." (Puntos clave, page 3)
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"Memes dienen nicht nur der popkulturellen Unterhaltung oder der Kunst, sie werden auch in der Politik, in lokalen und internationalen Wahlkämpfen oder auf Demonstrationen verwendet. In ihrer typischsten Form sind sie Text-Bild-Gefüge, die sich digital mit viraler Geschwindigkeit verbreiten und tr
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ansformieren. Joanna Nowotny und Julian Reidy nehmen sich dieses Internetphänomens aus kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive an. Sie betreten Neuland, indem sie einzelne Memes kasuistisch analysieren und ihre Erkenntnisse systematisieren, um diese digitale Kommunikationsform definitorisch neu zu bestimmen – in stetem Bezug zu anderen digitalen Phänomenen wie dem trolling." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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