"Combating illegal parking and drinking in public is the raison d’être of Russia’s best-known law-and-order youth initiatives, StopKham and Lev Protiv. These initiatives enforce and promote neotraditional morals amongst young people by challenging alleged offenders on camera and uploading the e
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ntertaining, humorous and often violent video clips to YouTube. I argue that their practices encapsulate flexible authoritarianism, in which the regime incentivises citizens to take initiative while expanding repressive measures against dissenters. Not only do these enterprises reflect the regime’s goals back at itself, they also popularise a new ideal of heroic masculinity that fuses patriotism with entrepreneurialism." (Abstract)
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"This report shows that the media coverage of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in Kenya remains insensitive, lacking in depth and seems not prioritized by mainstream media as it is with digital platforms. Journalists need to pay more attention to matters relating to GBV, considering the increasing cases
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reported and the human rights violations involved. Concern about media reporting of GBV lies within the larger thinking that gender equality lies at the core of human rights approach to development. There was lack of in-depth reporting on GBV during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns. The reporting also lacked sensitivity even as more stories on GBV ran digital platforms compared to those on mainstream media. Use of inappropriate language in the coverage of GBV, leading to double trauma on victims also went a notch higher even as victims were left exposed. This, especially, applied to underage and rape victims. There was also a lack of centralised statistics/data to analyse the trend, or map out hot spots for sensitization." (Executive summary)
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"This article aims to determine how digital nationalism influences gender politics in the context of gender-issue debates on Chinese social media platforms. To this end, I present an original case study, collecting empirical data from the most popular Chinese community question-answering (CQA) websi
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te, Zhihu. By using a mixed-method research design, consisting of content analysis (CA) and critical discourse analysis (CDA), I explored gender-issue debates between Chinese internet users. The analysis reveals how such debates inform divided opinions between women and men internet users, and how misogynistic men invoke a nationalist discourse to distort the debates." (Abstract)
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"This learning brief aims to summarise key issues, evidence and trends on media and gender and help PRIMED partners identify opportunities to empower women as both media consumers and content producers as well as to amplify the voices of women in the media. It explores the links between improved gen
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der equality in the workplace and the sustainability and viability of the media (a business case of gender equality). The brief also considers content formats which can promote gender equality in the public sphere and examines the role of self-regulation in ensuring that women are more fairly represented in media outputs." (Introduction)
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"This paper experimentally tests the effectiveness of two short edutainment campaigns (under 25 minutes) delivered through Facebook Messenger at reshaping gender norms and reducing social acceptability of violence against women in India. Participants were randomly assigned to watch video clips with
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implicit or explicit messaging formats (respectively a humorous fake reality television drama or a docuseries with clear calls to action). After one week, the intent-to-treat effects of the implicit format on knowledge, gender norms, and acceptability of violence against women oscillated between 0.16 and 0.21 standard deviations yet impacts diminished after four months. By contrast, the explicit format was more impactful in the short term in increasing willingness to share video clips with friends and promoting online information-seeking behaviors. In the medium term, individuals who were exposed to the docuseries were 7.5 percentage points more likely to add a frame against violence against women in their Facebook profile picture, a public display of their disapproval of this harmful practice. The general lack of heterogeneous effects across social status indicators suggests social media as a potential medium for reaching different online populations, including vulnerable ones." (Abstract)
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"This article is an outcome of an actionresearch project that gathered community members, farmers, technologists, agroecologists and community network practitioners to make possible a community network in the quilombo of Ribeirão Grande/Terra Seca, located in Barra do Turvo city, São Paulo state,
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Brazil. The quilombos emerged as refuges for Black people who escaped repression during the entire period of slavery in Brazil, between the 16th and 19th centuries. The inhabitants of these communities are called quilombolas. With the 1988 Constitution, they gained the right to own and use the land they were on, but not without plenty of political struggles. Today Brazil has more than 15,000 quilombola communities. Within quilombo Ribeirão Grande/Terra Seca there is a group of women that takes part in a network called Agroecological Network of Women Farmers (RAMA in Portuguese – Rede Agroecológica de Mulheres Agricultoras), and one of the issues they faced collectively related to difficulties of communication [...] This essay explores positive and negative aspects of our practices in the design and nurturing of the Ribeirão Grande/Terra Seca community network, the use of feminist and popular education methodologies, respect and appreciation of local knowledge, and the importance of considering gender, race and colonialism as oppressions present in the places where community networks operate and are needed. We share these reflections so that they can be useful for other community network activists, advocates and groups when it comes to their technological practices and methodologies. In our search for socially, culturally, ethically engaged and responsible definitions of technology, we come across our own gaps and prejudices: especially how to see and work on racial relations and, crucially, how community network practitioners ignore their own prejudices." (Pages 1-2)
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"Este proyecto tiene dos objetivos principales: por un lado, realizar un análisis sobre las coberturas periodísticas de femicidios y hechos de violencia de género en diferentes medios de comunicación de todo el país y, por otra parte, indagar cuál es el impacto que este tipo de noticias genera
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en la opinión pública. Para desarrollarlo, se integraron dos técnicas de indagación de carácter cuali-cuantitativas: A. En primer lugar, se relevaron noticias sobre femicidios y hechos de violencia de género para analizar a continuación su abordaje y tratamiento. Se trata de noticias publicadas en medios masivos de comunicación argentinos: televisivos, radiales, gráficos y online. Entre ellos, se incluyeron medios de diferentes zonas del país que cuentan con el rol de la editora de género. Las noticias analizadas tratan sobre 10 femicidios, 5 intentos de femicidios y el relato de 5 mujeres que contaron su historia de violencia de género en los medios. B. En segundo término, se realizó un sondeo a fin de indagar el impacto que generan las noticias sobre femicidios y los hechos de violencia por motivos de género en la opinión pública." (Acerca del estudio, página 6)
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"Beyond supporting coalition-building, campaigning and lobbying, online campaigns aim to achieve specific goals such as the implementation of gender-based violence laws (#NiUnaMenos), or the removal of taxes on menstrual supplies (#HappytoBleed). More than just ‘slacktivism’, this report traces
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how the rise of online activism is generating real-world transformations in gender norms and where in a matter of seconds, a social media campaign can go viral and affect offline life in many ways. This research also examines the role of social media in spreading misogyny and other forms of hate, with online gender-based violence a real risk to women’s rights. From anti-rights movements, to anti-feminist and anti-gender content promoted on the Manosphere, online misogyny is explored in some detail as a barrier to digital activism on gender norms." (https://www.alignplatform.org)
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"[...] la Relatoría Especial ofrece en este informe un análisis de los patrones de discriminación que las mujeres periodistas y las trabajadoras de los medios de comunicación experimentan en las redacciones y/o en su lugar de trabajo a luz de los estándares interamericanos, con énfasis en la s
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ubrepresentación y la segregación horizontal y vertical de las mujeres en los medios de comunicación, las brechas salariales entre varones y mujeres, la ausencia de estrategias para garantizar que quienes desarrollan tareas de cuidado no vean afectadas sus trayectorias profesionales y/o sus oportunidades laborales y otras prácticas de discriminación interseccional. Del mismo modo, el informe considera las diferentes formas de violencia basada en género al interior de los medios de comunicación, incluida la violencia y el acoso sexual. Reconociendo su rol protagónico en la materia, el informe ofrece lineamientos sobre las acciones que las empresas de medios de comunicación están llamadas implementar para la erradicación y el abordaje de estas prácticas." (Introducción, página 10-11)
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"La problemática de la Violencia contra la Mujer no es un tema de agenda prioritaria en los medios regionales analizados. Durante dos meses (Agosto y Setiembre 2022) 06 diarios regionales solo han publicado un total de 185 noticias sobre este tema, lo que equivale a que en dos meses cada diario ha
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publicado un promedio de 31 noticias. Esto no guarda relación con el hecho de que los casos de Violencia contra la Mujer siguen creciendo en todo el país. Más aun, donde a diferencia de años anteriores, la problemática de la pandemia COVID 19 se ha reducido sustancialmente, al punto que ya no es un tema prioritario que copa la agenda de los medios de comunicación a nivel nacional, y que, por el contrario, durante la pandemia, estos casos se han incrementado, especialmente en el caso de niñas y adolescentes." (Conclusiones, página 44)
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"This qualitative feminist study analyzes Egyptian women journalists’ articulations of their shifting roles, struggles, and resistances to the political, legal, socio-economic, and professional challenges in a shifting, hybrid, and digitalized journalistic field. Through analyzing 16 interviews wi
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th women journalists representing different media affiliations, experiences, and demographics, this study explores their varied perceptions of the shifts in journalistic professionalism and press freedom in Egypt, their equally shifting professional roles and struggles, and their varied resistance mechanisms. On the one hand, this study unpacks the multiple challenges facing them, such as restricted journalistic autonomy, limited access to information and technology, sexual harassment, lack of job security, and other forms of professional discrimination, in a male-dominated profession and a patriarchal culture. On the other hand, it investigates the parallel resistance mechanisms they deploy to overcome these challenges. We argue that the amalgamation of these cyclical, push-and-pull dynamics gave birth to a new “differentiated media landscape” (Schroeder 2018), representing a third space between mainstream media and citizen journalism, the online and the offline, and the old and the new, in a rapidly evolving journalistic field." (Abstract)
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"In this chapter, international, regional and State-level legal and normative frameworks for responding to online violence against women journalists are examined, while exemplar judgements are catalogued, and gaps in law enforcement are highlighted. Here, insights gleaned from 184 in-depth interview
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s, and responses to the relevant survey questions in the main data corpus are supplemented by relevant examples from other countries, surfaced through extensive desk research. Additionally, the 15 country case studies underpinning the broader study are drawn on to contextualise the discussion." (Pages 4-5)
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"This Technical Document is the result of a collaboration between EU DisinfoLab and #ShePersisted. It offers a short and practical toolbox of what should be considered when speaking of gender-based disinformation." (Page 3)
"In 0 of 17 markets [in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia] did the percentage of women holding top business positions exceed 25%. The highest performer was the Philippines with 22%. In 2 of 17 markets, the percentage of women holding top editorial positions was skewed in favour of women. In
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the Philippines, 78% of Chief Editor positions were held by women, followed by Zambia with women holding 57% of the top editorial positions. In 5 of the 17 countries, zero women held the highest business position: Somalia, Rwanda, Kenya, Palestine and Jordan. In Somalia, no woman held the top editorial position as of 2022, followed by Egypt, where only 9% of the top editorial positions were filled by women." (Slide 1)
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