"This guide categorises data-driven campaigning methods to loosely reflect how value is created along the data pipeline, from acquisition (asset), to analysis (intelligence) to application (influence)." (Page 3)
"Without a doubt, the combined power of the public arena and broadcast media is a very efective social tool for collective action in Afghanistan. Yet there are serious limits to both the media’s self-advocacy and the public’s strong and unwavering support. Te media-related crimes and murders men
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tioned in this chapter are a few of the many. Yet no arrests are made and no one is prosecuted in most of these cases. Zoorawarah can continue to censor media makers with impunity and without fears of retribution. Broadcasting the incidents of violence and censorship against media personnel and the media writ large, as well as the subsequent protests and production of investigative and expository programs is indeed generative in creating dialogue and raising awareness about media rights and the important role of a free media in a society, but it is clearly not enough. Tus far, we have seen examples of two types of potential cultural imperialism. By aggressively promoting and offering their own media products, programs, and formats, at little or no cost, the argument can be made that foreign countries are impeding the development of Afghanistan’s own media industry, artistry, and media crafts. Additionally, we have seen examples of censorship, both from endogenous and exogenous forces, ranging from pressuring the government to ban programming or directly pressuring producers to do so. In extreme cases, we have seen an egregious third form of censorship becoming prevalent in Afghanistan. High-level media personnel and wealthy media owners who are ofen prominent public fgures, such as politicians, warlords, drug lords, religious leaders, and businessmen, hire body guards and live behind gated fortress mansions, while low-level television personalities and reporters are subjected to threats, physical attacks, and death for providing people with programming they want to watch and which gives them a platform to raise their voices. Hence, it is the mid- and low-level media professionals, not the owners of the television stations they work for nor the foreign governments that are the patrons of the stations, who bear the ultimate burden of media freedom and reform in Afghanistan. Caught between warring ideologies that range from Islamist to commercial to “developmentalist,” as brave as these Afghan media personalities and journalists are, and despite their high media a profile, their low socioeconomic status leaves them vulnerable to abuse and possible death." (Conclusion, page 168-169)
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"Esta guía metodológica sistematiza dinámicas y herramientas construidas colectivamente por el equipo de la Asociación Voces Nuestras y agrupaciones aliadas. Nuestra propuesta fue aplicada y validada en procesos de formación a partir del año 2017, en el trabajo con organizaciones puente y defe
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nsoras de territorios mesoaméricanos en resistencia. El contenido de esta guía es resultado de esos procesos de fortalecimiento de capacidades informativas, articulación e incidencia en la región. La guía busca apoyar la facilitación de talleres de comunicación para la incidencia pública y política. Por eso, las ideas que aporta son de uso libre, pues así tienen que ser los conocimientos, los ríos, los bosques y los medios: ¡siempre libres!" (Introducción)
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"This paper explores the interconnections of Hindutva fascist repertoires in India and quasi-orientalist discourses. History and common sense are re-written through audiovisual communications to appeal to one section of a dangerously split Indian public and a neoliberal-touristic sensibility elsewhe
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re. Enlightenment rhetorics of progress, democracy and technological development are apparently embodied by WhatsApp groups, electronic voting machines and laws to protect cows. Voting—as a marker of democratic citizenship—becomes a masquerade protecting a resurgent far right Hindutva (Hindu fascist) regime under the aegis of Narendra Modi and the BJP. Caste Hinduism’s association of cows with deities, and the proscription on meat-eating in certain versions of religious practice, are used as pretexts for unimaginable violence against Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and working class/lower caste Hindus. Violence against those who dissent is rationalised as patriotic. Hindutva’s banal and spectacular audiovisual discourse overwhelms public communication. Its consequences are a form of vigilante citizenship that is marked on the bodies of dead victims and of vigilante publics ready to be mobilised either in ethno-cultural violence or its defence and disavowal. Meanwhile, attracted to India as an enormous market, Western governments and corporations have colluded with the Hindutva regime’s self-promotion as a bastion of development." (Abstract)
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"Jasmin Fitzpatrick widmet sich aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen und untersucht, wie diese das Potenzial der neuen Kommunikationskanäle des Web 2.0 nutzen. Im Fokus stehen zum einen ihre Mobilisierung von Unterstützern und zum anderen ihre Absicht, d
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urch soziale Medien die Agenda zu besetzen. Im Zentrum der Analyse stehen zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen, die sich mit Menschenrechten und humanitärer Hilfe befassen. Methodisch werden quantitative und qualitative Verfahren kombiniert. Die Autorin zeigt, dass gerade kleinere Organisationen das Potenzial der neuen Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten noch nicht ausschöpfen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa and occasionally drawing comparisons with other regions of the world, this book critically addresses the development of the field focusing on the current opportunities and challenges within the African context. By using a wide variety of case studies that include Moza
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mbique, Zambia, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa, Ivory Coast and Nigeria, the collection gives space to previously understudied regions of sub-Saharan Africa and challenges the over-reliance of western scholarship on political communication on the continent." (Publisher description)
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"This handbook attempts to fill the gap in empirical scholarship of media and communication research in Africa, from an Africanist perspective. The collection draws on expert knowledge of key media and communication scholars in Africa and the diaspora, offering a counter-narrative to existing Wester
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n and Eurocentric discourses of knowledge-production. As the decolonial turn takes centre stage across Africa, this collection further rethinks media and communication research in a post-colonial setting and provides empirical evidence as to why some of the methods conceptualised in Europe will not work in Africa. The result is a thorough appraisal of the current threats, challenges and opportunities facing the discipline on the continent." (Publisher description)
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"Der Band beschäftigt sich mit der Verschärfung des politischen Diskurses zwischen Ost und West, die vielfach in den westlichen Medien kritisierte Renationalisierung der osteuropäischen Gesellschaften, ihr „neo-konservativer“ Trend, der sich auch und gerade in den Medien spiegelt. Russland is
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t dafür das klassische, vielzitierte Beispiel, aber auch Serbien, Polen oder Ungarn haben hier in jüngster Zeit aufgeschlossen. Wie sich dies entwickelt hat, die politischen Prämissen und Hintergründe, der Einfluss, der auf die Redaktionspolitik ausgeübt wird, wie osteuropäische Medien die westliche Kritik empfinden und interpretieren, wird hier beschrieben und analysiert. Ist der Wandel der Berichterstattung und Kommentierung in den osteuropäischen Medien, der auch im Westen Widerhall findet, Indiz für größere politische und gesellschaftliche Umbrüche in Europa?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This book surveys current developments in social media and politics in a range of Central and Eastern European countries, including Ukraine and Russia. It explores the process of adoption of social media by politicians, journalists and civic activists, examines the impact of the different social an
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d cultural backgrounds of the countries studied, and discusses specific political situations, such as the 2012 protests in Moscow and the 2014 EuroMaidan events in Ukraine, where social media played an important role. The book concludes by addressing how the relationship between social media and politics is likely to develop and how it might affect the still relatively new democracies in the region." (Publisher description)
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"This book offers a comprehensive account of the nature and development of political communication in Africa. In light of the growing number of African states now turning towards democratic rule, as well as the growing utilization of information technologies in Africa, the contributors examine topic
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s such as: the role of social media in politics, strategic political communication, political philosophy and political communication, Habermas in Africa, gender and political communication, image dilemma in Africa, and issues in political communication research in Africa, and identify the frontiers for future research on political communication in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"As Chinese politicians hold the power to control the dissemination of political information, beat journalists must guard their relationship with the authorities to expand the boundaries of news reporting; that is, to gain more access to political information and report more sensitive news. What rem
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ains a puzzle is how beat journalists can possibly expand these boundaries. Data from participatory observation and in-depth interviews with journalists reveal that in order to gain more access to political information, they not only serve as political advocates but also seize the opportunity to act as watchdogs. To report more sensitive news without being sanctioned or denounced by the authorities, they coordinate with peers both within and outside the news organization." (Abstract)
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"L’expérience radiophonique en Guinée a connu trois grandes périodes. Lors de la première, de 1950 à 1955, la radio était au service de la métropole, afin de servir les intérêts exclusifs des planteurs européens, franco-syriens et franco-libanais. Elle donnait des informations sur le mou
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vement des navires-bananiers et d’autres transports de produits. Cette période coïncide avec la relance économique en Europe, à la sortie de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Pendant la deuxième période, de 1956 à 1958, la radio a participé activement à l’éveil des consciences, à la lutte pour l’indépendance nationale, et à l’émancipation du continent. Elle a joué un rôle important dans la mise en place des structures de gestion en Afrique et singulièrement en Guinée. La loi-cadre du 23 juin 1956 a favorisé la participation des Africains à la gestion et à la prise de décisions importantes pour leur développement. Au cours de la troisième période, de 1958 à 1984, la radio a contribué à la consolidation des acquis de l’Indépendance nationale, à la lutte de libération des peuples africains encore sous le joug colonial, et à la valorisation de la culture nationale et africaine. Elle a joué un rôle de premier plan dans la propagande révolutionnaire et s’est illustrée comme porte-voix de l’Afrique combattante." (Dos de couverture)
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"This book provides a fresh perspective on the importance of the Hindi media in India's political, social and economic transformation with evidence from the countryside and the cities. Accessed by more than forty percent of the public, it continues to play an important role in building political awa
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reness and mobilising public opinion. Instead of viewing the media as a singular entity, this book highlights its diversity and complexity to understand the changing dynamics of political communication that is shaped by the interactions between the news media, political parties and the public, and how various media forms are being used in a rapidly transforming environment. The book offers insights into how print, television, and digital media work together with, rather than in isolation from, each another to grasp the complexities of the emerging hybrid media environment and the future of mobilisation." (Publisher description)
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"Elisabeth Wehling zeigt anhand zahlreicher Erkenntnisse der modernen Neuro- und Kognitionsforschung, wie über Sprache und die jeweils adressierten Frames Assoziationen geweckt, Meinungen gelenkt und Handlungen bestimmt werden können: So müssen beispielsweise im geläufigen Jargon Steuern aufgebr
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acht, nicht etwa beigetragen werden, und ihre Lasten drücken uns, statt dass wir sie als Grundlage staatlichen Gemeinwohlhandelns begreifen. Ein bewussterer und klügerer Umgang mit der Sprache, so die Autorin, sei eine der Grundvoraussetzungen für konstruktive Auseinandersetzungen in den zahlreichen politischen Debatten unserer Zeit." (Klappentext)
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"O livro é uma coletânea que reúne especialistas em Democracia Digital de diversas áreas (comunicação, administração, ciência política, sociologia etc.) para discutir questões conceituais e práticas que envolvem este campo. Temas como participação política e Internet, mídias sociais
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e engajamento político, cidadania online, transparência digital, consultas públicas e accountability são algumas das principais abordagens que constituem a obra. Tais temáticas, hoje fundamentais para se compreender a relação entre comunicação digital e democracias contemporâneas, são debatidas por pesquisadores atuantes nos principais grupos de pesquisas na área de diversas universidades brasileiras." (Contracapa)
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