"Perpetrators in Documentaries on Genocide is a wide-ranging comparative study that analyses how numerous genocides and their perpetrators have been presented in documentary film. Spanning seven 20th-century genocides across three continents and combining interviews with filmmakers, distant reading,
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content analysis, and historical research, this book tracks the multifaceted representational strategies of over 200 films. Addressing both the local and global contexts impacting their production, the book finds that the socio-political circumstances in the aftermath of genocide, but also the concept of genocide itself, enormously shape the representation of perpetrator groups and their victims. This book highlights and critiques dominant trends in documentary representation, proposing a broader and methodologically innovative approach to studying the depiction of atrocities that provides an encompassing framework for understanding genocide documentaries." (Publisher description)
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"The goal of this study was to examine the efficacy of art therapy in the treatment of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and the propensity to quit journalism among Nigerian journalists covering banditry attacks. The researchers utilized a quasi-experiment as the design for the study and sampled
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327 journalists. The result of the study showed that at baseline, journalists reported high PTSD symptoms and a propensity to quit journalism, but after the intervention, journalists who received the art therapy intervention reported a significant drop in their PTSD symptoms and the propensity to quit the pen profession. This suggests that art therapy is a cost-effective way of treating PTSD among journalists covering dangerous assignments and reducing high labour turnover in the profession." (Abstract)
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"In 2019, 51 people were killed in terror attacks at two mosques in Christchurch, a city on the east coast of the South Island of New Zealand with a population of around 400,000 people. It was the deadliest mass shooting in the country’s history and the first terror attack of its kind on home soil
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, attracting extensive international media attention. Given the city’s relative isolation, early coverage was by local media and included local journalism students who had responded to a developing event. This study explores the first-hand experiences of these undergraduate broadcast journalism students who, just a few weeks into a new academic year, covered the news story for national and international media. Using mini focus groups, this descriptive study sheds light on how students with little to no trauma training coped with reporting on such an extreme and unprecedented event and the crucial role soft skills played in guiding their actions." (Abstract)
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"The general objective of this Model Protocol is to serve as a reference in the development or updating of intervention and interaction protocols for security forces regarding the media, in accordance with international standards on freedom of expression, access to information and safety of journali
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sts. The Model Protocol will also serve the media and civil society organizations to promote good practices between the police and the press, and to contribute to improving the safety of journalists in the region, with an emphasis on differential risk assessment and specific protective measures for women journalists. Finally, this Model can serve as a pedagogical tool for police academies, as well as for journalism or communication schools. The Model Protocol covers three of the areas of interaction that generally exhibit higher stress levels: (1) the interaction of security forces with journalists in social protest contexts; (2) investigations of crimes by security forces and access to information by the press; and (3) the threats and other attacks on the press, as well as the responses by security forces to prevent and investigate these actions with a gender perspective." (Introduction, page 7)
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"Insgesamt zeigt sich sowohl in der internationalen als auch in der deutschen Berichterstattung über Gewalt gegen Frauen ein recht einheitliches Bild. Gewalt gegen Frauen muss besonders brutal sein, um die Schwelle der medialen Berichterstattung zu überschreiten. Dies gilt insbesondere für Gewalt
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in Paarbeziehungen. Dass in den Medien vor allem über Tötungsdelikte an Frauen berichtet wird, kann auf den ersten Blick als Sensibilisierung für Femizide verstanden werden. Tatsächlich wird eine solche Sensibilisierung durch die Berichterstattung aber nur dann erreicht, wenn Femizide auch als solche eingeordnet werden. Eine entsprechende Einordnung findet jedoch in den meisten Fällen nicht statt: Die mediale Berichterstattung erfolgt überwiegend in Form von Einzelfallberichten, ohne Bezugnahme auf das Ausmaß von Gewalt gegen Frauen oder eine Einordnung durch Expertinnen und Experten. Geschlechtsspezifische Gewalt gegen Frauen als strukturelles Problem wird vor allem dann thematisiert, wenn es einen aktuellen Anlass gibt, wie zum Beispiel die jährliche Veröffentlichung der Polizeilichen Kriminalstatistik zu Gewalt in Paarbeziehungen. Obwohl die überproportionale Fokussierung auf Tötungsdelikte der allgemeinen Medienlogik entspricht, erscheint sie im Kontext von Gewalt gegen Frauen besonders problematisch. Studien zu Gewalt in Paarbeziehungen zeigen, dass eine Tötungshandlung häufig nicht spontan erfolgt, sondern der letzte Schritt in einer langen Geschichte von Zwangskontrolle und Gewalt ist. Diese Eskalation verläuft häufig nach ähnlichen Mustern. Mediale Berichterstattung, die sich nur auf diesen letzten, irreversiblen Akt konzentriert, verdeckt, dass Tötungsdelikten in Paarbeziehungen in der Regel viele alltäglichere und weniger drastische Formen von Gewalt vorausgehen." (Fazit)
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"These recommendations are targeted towards individuals working with sensitive sources on high-level projects that uncover government or corporate misdeeds. We have drafted a few additional steps you should keep in mind if you will be communicating with sensitive sources. Following the below steps w
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ill make it much harder for a dedicated adversary to figure out who your sources are." (Publisher description)
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"With 33 journalists killed since the beginning of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s presidential term in December 2018, Mexico heads the list of the most violent countries for journalists in Latin America—and that of countries not at war. While journalist organizations demand a meaningful protect
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ion apparatus to safeguard their physical safety, official corruption, and criminal impunity continue to escalate the pressures to which media staff are exposed, especially in Mexican states where cartels and criminal groups have the largest footprint. This study aims to precisely identify the pressures, both internal and external, facing journalists who report on organized crime in Mexico. To do this, we drew from the Hierarchy of Influences Model, and interviewed 22 Mexican journalists who work on the organized crime beat in the country’s capital and in the most violent states in the Republic. The results suggest that the most influential forces they face are associated with the organizational level (such as editorial line or institutional censorship), and the extramedia level (e.g., anti-press violence from cartels/authorities, and government advertising contracts)." (Abstract)
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"This book traverses the cultural landscape of Colombia through in-depth analyses of displacement, local and global cultures, human rights abuses, and literary and media production. Through an exploration of the cultural processes that perpetuate the "darker side" of Latin America for global consump
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tion, it investigates the "condition" that has led writers, filmmakers, and artists to embrace (purposefully or not) the incessant violence in Colombian society as the object of their own creative endeavors. In this examination of mass-marketed cultural products such as narcostories, captivity memoirs, gritty travel narratives, and films, Herrero-Olaizola seeks to offer a hemispheric approach to the role played by Colombia in cultural production across the continent where the illicit drug trade has made significant inroads. To this end, he identifies the "Colombian condition" within the parameters of the global economy while concentrating on the commodification of Latin America's violence for cultural consumption." (Publisher description)
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"The mainstream media in Brazil portrays favelas (unregulated low-income neighbourhoods) in a negative light. This has been the case since their emergence over a century ago. Voices from the Favelas navigates through the contemporary representation of the favelas in the established media, discussing
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how this partial representation impacts issues of identity and social segregation, the legitimation of structural violence in those sites, and providing an account of the recent emergence of digital social networks as “counterpublics”. In order to understand the struggle against the characterisation of the favela as a site dominated by violence (a framework which has been disseminated on a global scale and accepted as the norm), this book will take its readers inside the mindset of the favela media activists, examining the production of information and the organisation of the residents as they resist and challenge the status quo." (Publisher description)
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"El hallazgo más importante de este estudio no tiene que ver con el uso del lenguaje cuando se habla de la migración, sino con la representación del venezolano en los medios nacionales. Se trata, pues, de un estudio pionero que prueba la criminalización de las personas venezolanas en los medios
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de comunicación, ya que la delincuencia es el tema principal con el que se los asocia: el 70% (televisión) y el 80% (diarios populares) de todas las notas que se referían a venezolanos y venezolanas trataban de temas policiales y de crimen. En estas notas, los ciudadanos venezolanos cumplían el rol de victimario en un 65% y en un 15%, el de infractor de la ley. Esto significa que en cuatro de cinco notas o reportajes en las que un lector o televidente en el Perú lee o escucha de una persona venezolana, es porque se la relaciona con un tema de delincuencia, muchas veces violenta. Esto genera en el lector o televidente la impresión de que la migración y las personas migrantes están asociadas con un supuesto incremento de la inseguridad ciudadana. Así el 86,3% de los encuestados opinó que la migración venezolana había contribuido a la inseguridad ciudadana en el Perú. La asociación de la persona migrante con la delincuencia produce, además, distancia, temor o hasta rechazo para con los migrantes. Por su parte, en las personas venezolanas genera un estigma que les dificulta la inserción en la sociedad." (Conclusiones, página 97)
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"Mexico is among the most violent countries for journalism, with more than 100 journalists killed in the past two decades. Behind these murders, which have largely gone unpunished, are phenomena such as organized crime and corruption, as well as a lack of state presence in some regions. In this stud
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y, we focus on analysis of a relevant topic in the contemporary news agenda, namely journalistic coverage of organized crime. For this, we interviewed almost two dozen Mexican journalists who work in Mexico’s main media outlets. Through journalists’ responses, we observe the normalization of violence in their everyday work. Although the journalists interviewed recognize that they do not have, in general, specific knowledge of this type of coverage, their experience directs them to develop security protocols, including use of their media outlets’ physical infrastructure and strategic use of social networks and the Internet." (Abstract)
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"In the years since his death in 1993, Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar has become a globally recognized symbol of crime, wealth, power, and masculinity. In this long-overdue exploration of Escobars impact on popular culture, Aldona Bialowas Pobutsky shows how his legacy inspired the development of
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narcocultura— television, music, literature, and fashion representing the drug-trafficking lifestyle in Colombia and around the world. Pobutsky looks at the ways the “Escobar brand” surfaces in bars, restaurants, and clothing lines; in Colombia’s tourist industry; and in telenovelas, documentaries, and narco memoirs about his life, which in turn have generated popular interest in other drug traffickers such as Griselda Blanco and Miami’s “cocaine cowboys.” Pobutsky illustrates how the Colombian state strives to erase his memory while Escobar’s notoriety only continues to increase in popular culture through the transnational media. She argues that the image of Escobar is inextricably linked to Colombia’s internal tensions in the areas of cocaine politics, gender relations, class divisions, and political corruption and that his “brand” perpetuates the country’s reputation as a center of organized crime, to the dismay of the Colombian people." (Back cover)
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"This study examines how the 2008 election violence was framed in three mainstream Zimbabwean weekly newspapers – The Sunday Mail, The Independent and The Zimbabwean. It was noted that four frames – the victim, justice and human rights, trivialization and attribution of responsibility frames dom
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inated the coverage of electoral violence in these three newspapers. The dominance of the trivializing frame in The Sunday Mail privileged the ruling party’s (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front; ZANU PF) interpretation of electoral violence as inconsequential to the electoral process. Simultaneously, the prevalence of the victim, justice and human rights frames in The Independent and The Zimbabwean newspapers signifies the private media’s obsession with ZANU PF’s alleged electoral malpractices and situates these alleged transgressions within a broad global social justice and human rights trajectory to cultivate the West’s sympathy with the ‘victimised’ opposition." (Abstract)
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"Crime perception has increased in Peru, as in other developing and developed countries, in spite of the reduction in crime victimization figures. Our hypothesis is that the news industry is partially responsible for such opposing trends. As Peruvians are great consumers of written news, we focus on
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the written press. Using a unique database of written news, we georeference the location of each reported crime to identify short-term deviations from trend in the coverage of crime news at the province level and estimate their effect on crime perception. We measure coverage as the area an article occupies in cm2. We find that a spike of negative crime news increases people’s perception about the probability of being a crime victim. The effect of positive news is opposite. However, the effect per cm2 of negative news is almost three times larger than the effect of positive news in absolute value, signaling a potential asymmetry in the revision of people’s expectations. The effect of the written press is stronger for men and non-victims. Moreover, perception changes are mostly driven by increases in the fear of house and car theft and common street crime, rather than more violent crimes like kidnapping or sexual abuse. Finally, we delve into the possible consequences of worsening the mismatch between crime perception and crime victimization." (Abstract)
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