"This article explores the emergence of a new landscape of local print and broadcast media in revolutionary Libya that is both the result of the dramatic changes that the country has undergone and one of their facilitators. This article analyses the political impact of these new forms of media durin
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g and after the 2011 Libyan uprisings, with an emphasis on how the role and the self-image of journalists and media producers has evolved alongside with Libya’s political transformation. It is demonstrated that the new Libyan media began their life as ‘partisan advocates’ and that different societal currents are now struggling to set the new role of media. It concludes with an analysis of the newly implemented legal framework and institutions which govern the Libyan media. It remains unclear if recent legislation will protect independent media from the authorities or, conversely, allow the state to exert censorship and consolidate its ownership over the media. This article analyses the various approaches to media jurisdiction prevalent in post-Qadhafi Libya as reflecting various degrees of state intervention. This discussion reflects the inherent contradictions of a society which, with very little preparation, has had to manage the change from conditions of absolute governmental control to conditions of relative anarchy." (Abstract)
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"The review starts by elucidating the potential role of the media as a democratising agent. We then explore the relationship between media reform and institutional change during democratisation periods, and move to review the literature on the contribution of media to institution building and due pe
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rformance in Central and Eastern Europe. We continue the discussion on the effectiveness of media for democratisation by assessing the relationship between political accountability and the accountability function of ‘watchdog journalism’ in Latin America. This is followed by a review of major works that look at the media as an instigator to or determinant of changes in individuals’ political attitudes or behaviour during periods of democratisation. Later, we discuss in detail the relationship between the media and change for democracy in the most recent region of interest in terms of potential democratisation, the Arab world, and finally, we assess the media’s revolutionary roles in regime changes with particular focus on the rising debate about the connection between social media and the Arab Spring." (Executive summary)
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"This book provides an accessible and systematic introduction to the media in transitional democracies. It analyses the problems that occur when transforming the media into independent institutions that are able to inform citizens and hold governments to account. The book covers the following topics
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: normative conceptions of media and democracy; the role of the past in the transition process; the internet as a new space for democratic change; the persistence of political interference in emerging democracies; the interlocking power of media markets and political ownership; the challenges to journalistic professionalism in post authoritarian contexts; the role of the media in divided societies. The book takes a global view by exploring the interplay of political and media transitions in different pathways of democratization that have taken place in Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia. It will be of interest to advanced students and scholars who want a better understanding of the media outside established Western democracies. The book will also be of great value to policymakers and activists who are involved in strengthening the media in transitional democracies." (Back cover)
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"The objective of this work is approaching the political crisis occurred in Côte d´Ivoire after the contested elections of 2010, through the perspective of the Ivorian media and media professionals. This study draws theoretically on the media political economy and critical understanding of the rel
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ationship between democracy and the media. After a brief description of Côte d´Ivoire political history, as well as its media political economy, perceptions from foreign correspondents and Ivoirian journalist were gathered. Conclusions show the sheer complexity of the role played by the media, which goes beyond its information provider responsibility to turn into platforms for the political struggle in a highly political polarized environment. At the same time, it is demonstrated how foreign perceptions of Ivorian media performance are built against ideal representations of media that often fail to grasp particular contexts." (Abstract)
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"In March 2005, a relatively nonviolent uprising ousted an authoritarian president in the former Soviet republic of Kyrgyzstan. In the aftermath of the so-called Tulip Revolution, press rights advocates and journalists welcomed the promise of greatly enhanced freedoms. However, the new regime proved
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to be as authoritarian and corrupt as its predecessor and little liberalization of the press system was evident five years later. Physical assaults continued, including murders, as did harassment, libel suits, impediments to access to information, license denials and self-censorship. There was only slow movement toward privatizing of state-owned media. Independent and oppositional media also remained in financial peril due to the country’s weak economy and high poverty level. Thus, 20 years after independence and a half-decade after the Tulip Revolution, the Soviet propaganda model for a press system was dead in name, but many major attributes survived, with significant implications for the continuum of authoritarianism in other postcommunist nations. The degree to which the April 2010 coup and subsequent constitutional change to a parliamentary democracy will spur an expansion of press rights and sustain market-based independent media outlets remains speculative amid grave concerns about continuing anti-press events." (Abstract)
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"While views may differ on the factors that made the 2011 Egyptian revolution possible, the role of mass media will remain undisputable. The Internet-based social networks caught the Mubarak regime by surprise, and the popular disillusionment with the‘national’ media led the public to turn to pr
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ivate newspapers and satellite channels for keeping pace with the events. This paper examines the role of specific media during the 18 days of the 2011 Egyptian revolution – from 25 January to 11 February, 2011 – which we have divided into four parts. It discusses how these media contributed to the unfolding of events, conceptualized the protests and the demands of the public, and presented the actors that participated in or opposed the revolution. These points are addressed by discussing the content of the Facebook pages of the Sixth of April Movement and We Are All Khalid Said, as well as that of a private Egyptian newspaper, al-Shuruq, and the state-run newspaper al-Ahram." (Abstract)
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"Through a series of qualitative interviews with a range of media stakeholders, the ultimate conclusion of this thesis is that the media landscape in Cambodia is diverse –with some (mostly foreign-owned and run) able to operate freely and independently, while others (most local Khmer media, partic
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ularly broadcast media) are not. While media development activities over the course of the last 20 years have been clearly beneficial to improving the quality of the media, many factors are preventing all media in Cambodia from becoming free, independent and sustainable. A lack of political will, improper legal intimidation, politicisation of the media, a lack of journalistic ethic and professionalism (among some), unsupportive institutional frameworks, media illiteracy among the broader population and little coordination of media development efforts are just some of the barriers that hinder real improvement in this critical sector." (Abstract, page 4)
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"Der hier vorgestellte Ansatz untersucht die empirischen Leistungen der Medien für die demokratische Freiheit in Gesellschaften mit Hilfe einer Reihe von demokratietheoretisch abgeleiteten Indikatoren. Diese betreffen sowohl die gesamtgesellschaftlichen Medienstrukturen, als auch die konkreten Leis
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tungen einzelner Medienorganisationen. Die empirische Basis bilden Erhebungen aus neun europäischen Ländern und Australien, wobei insbesondere das relative Abschneiden Deutschlands im Vergleich mit den anderen Ländern dargestellt und erläutert wird." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This case study of USAID media assistance program reporting documents (n=68) looks at specific monitoring and evaluation characteristics as reported over a 20-year period and how reporting documents make the link to democratization. The analysis found that although M&E activity has improved as repo
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rted over the 20-year period of the study, 75 percent of the documents ranked in the lower half of cumulative M&E characteristics scoring. It also found that the relationship between democratization characteristics and media assistance are not clarified by the monitoring and evaluation data as reported. The study does show the USAID database to be a rich source of data about how media assistance programs have been implemented in different cultures, countries and political environments." (Abstract)
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"The article explores the relationship between democratic governance and the free and independent press in The Gambia since the inception of the Gambian First Republic in 1970. It supports the rights-based approach which perceives the issues of democracy, good governance, and a free and independent
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press as related to the concept of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Put differently, a free and independent press is not only a mirror of good governance, but also one of the essential elements of democratic governance. This article represents a modest contribution to the existing literature on the questions of governance, democracy, press freedom and human rights, with particular reference to The Gambia." (Abstract)
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"Revisar cuarenta años de historia de los medios masivos de información en tan breve espacio es sin duda insuficiente, pero lo hacemos considerando que cada vez más alumnos —y en especial tesistas— requieren de información histórica básica para sus trabajos. El propósito de este texto es,
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entonces, fijar hitos para quienes deseen repasar la historia de nuestros medios informativos, no ciñéndose a fuentes únicas sino atendiendo a que existen distintas visiones que no se pueden eludir si la intención es genuinamente académica. Debe advertirse que en un tema tan complejo como la historia de los medios, las clasificaciones y nominaciones son arbitrarias. Los interesados en su estudio deben someterse a ese riesgo. En ese sentido, trataremos de proveer las fuentes de consulta que a nuestro parecer son básicas para acceder a los escenarios, muy complejos, que hicieron posibles eventos tan significativos como la fundación de medios, su desaparición o la influencia que tuvieron en contextos determinados. Se ha venido además insistiendo, en especial en los estudios políticos, en la ausencia de trabajos en nuestro país que se acerquen más y mejor a las relaciones del poder con los medios masivos de información, que son empresas que pugnan por la rentabilidad a la vez que tratan de situarse como promotoras de opinión proclamando una independencia que nunca han tenido." (Página 11-12)
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"De Honduras se habla poco, salvo cuando hay huracanes o golpes de Estado. Y de las emisoras populares hondureñas se habla menos, se conoce nada. Por eso, cuando las compañeras y compañeros de Radio Progreso me invitaron a relatar lo que vivieron aquel trágico 28 de junio 2009, no dudé en acept
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ar el desafío. Fui a El Progreso, grabadora en mano, con ganas de escuchar lo vivido cuando los militares, ordenados por el golpista Micheletti, clausuraron la radio. Para mi sorpresa, me contaron de un primer cierre, en 1979, durante los tiempos duros de la Seguridad Nacional. Y me contaron más, de cuando la huelga grande contra las bananeras gringas. Porque Radio Progreso está enclavada en la ciudad que fue el epicentro de esta insurrección sindical que cambió la vida del país. Tenía pocos días y eran muchos los testimonios y las anécdotas. Grabé muchas horas, conversé con casi todos los colegas de la emisora y con algunos antiguos trabajadores. Como siempre pasa, quedaron entrevistas pendientes. Es que la vida nunca cabe en un libro. En el relato hay expresiones muy catrachas que sólo se entenderán en las tierras de Morazán. No hace falta explicarlas. La imaginación es suficiente. Hay diálogos donde no pongo quiénes hablan. Tampoco es necesario. El protagonismo es de todo el equipo de la radio. Radio Progreso lleva cincuenta y cinco años acompañando al pueblo pobre del norte de Honduras, luchando por sus derechos. Cincuenta y cinco años siendo coherente con la revolución del Reino de Dios, la que predicó un tal Jesús de Nazaret, olvidado por tantas iglesias que dicen representarlo. Más de medio siglo. Se dice pronto. Cuando acabé de redactar el testimonio, me vinieron a la mente los versos de Brecht. Me atrevo a glosarlos diciendo que hay emisoras que luchan un día y son buenas. Hay otras que luchan un año y son mejores. Hay las que luchan muchos años y son muy buenas. Pero hay las que luchan toda la vida: ésas son las imprescindibles." (Unas palabras antes, página 3)
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"We investigate the extent to which new media impacts upon political processes in Indonesia and the factors that affect it. Reflecting on the Indonesian political systems and structure, and detailing some empirical case studies on new media use, we argue that most uses of social media, including tho
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se aimed at influencing political processes, are ad hoc. There is an imminent need for strategising the use of new media in civil society in order to enable them address societal changes at large in a more sustained, engaged civic activism." (Abstract)
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"The Philippines is a palimpsest where traditional, modern and postmodern influences manifest themselves contemporaneously. Its politics is traditional, its culture modern and its media postmodern. Understanding the role of new technologies, such as digital media, under these circumstances requires
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an appreciation of incommensurable factors that are nevertheless intercalated. The surface of Philippine politics appears imperturbable but underneath it, notions of the political are being reformulated as a consequence of the new media and its globalizing influence." (Abstract)
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"This report summarises the presentations and recommendations made at the Conference on Media Development in Myanmar organised by the Myanmar Ministry of Information and Culture and UNESCO in cooperation with International Media Support (IMS) and Canal France International with support from the Gove
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rnments of Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The conference, held on 19–20 March 2012 in Yangon was historic as it was among the first of its kind to be held specifically on media development in Myanmar. The conference brought together a wide spectrum of Myanmar and international media specialists and media support organisations, donors and Myanmar government representatives to discuss media development and the way forward for the Fourth Estate in Myanmar. One aspect that set the conference apart was the involvement of members of the Myanmar exile media, including Mizzima, Democratic Voice of Burma, and Irrawaddy Magazine. Their presence indicated a major shift in the government’s attitude towards press freedom and a commitment to media reform." (Introduction, page 6)
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"[...] Afghanistan is a fragile, fractured state and has one of the most fragile and fractured media, where almost anyone with sufficient funds and the opportunity to move quickly has been able to establish a media presence. This environment has enabled the flourishing of television, radio and other
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media established and owned by powerful political and religious leaders, or by those with allegiance to them. Some fear a future of increased ethnic, sectarian and factional strife being played out through the airwaves. Though there are some very successful commercial television channels, there is no independent and widely trusted national media capable of transcending or creating communication across the fracture points in Afghan society. Most media is either localised or seen as serving political, religious or other agendas. The future of the national broadcaster, RTA, still the only broadcaster with a truly national presence, is uncertain. While journalism as a whole has expanded greatly, investigative journalism remains limited. The sustainability of the newly established commercial media is widely questioned. With the total annual advertising market in the country estimated by some at little more than $20 million, there are real concerns that if donor support declines much of the media will wither or fall prey to factional, religious or extreme forces. There is no shortage of such forces. A number of media outlets already play upon ethnic and sectarian tensions. The Taliban, notorious when in power for shutting down media and banning video tape, have embraced the web and run one of the most effective media strategies in the country. In 2012, the mood music is one of compromise with the Taliban. Concern in the country is growing that new found media freedoms may be the price of that compromise. The role of donors in media support in Afghanistan is probably greater than in any other country at any other time. Such support is largely responsible for the development of a substantial media sector, but it faces criticism that it is poorly coordinated, short term and not informed by aid effectiveness principles; that it focuses too heavily on advancing the agendas of the donors; and that in some sectors it is distorting the media market in ways that create dependency and inhibit the development of genuinely sustainable Afghan media ventures." (Executive summary)
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"Glenda Daniels examines the pattern of paranoia that has crept into public discourse about the media and the ANC, and their conflictual relationship. She analyses this fraught relationship through various popular media stories, such as Manto and Mondli, Zapiro and Zuma. Her argument ist that there
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is some hysteria on the part of the ruling party and its allies, for instance the SACP, regarding the media's exposés, which partially rests on the problem of conflating party, state and 'the media'." (Back cover)
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