"With 2533 titles, this bibliography is probably the most comprehensive on the use of mass media in developing countries. The volume, compiled by the ‘Centre International de Documentation Economique et Sociale Africaine’, Brussels, is not limited to Africa, but includes publications on all deve
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loping countries, which are broken down again in the geographical index. Each of the 2533 titles is also accompanied by a brief summary in French and English, which provides further details on the content of the referenced title. Book and journal publications from the years 1950 to 1969 are included, whereby the period between 1950 and 1960 is only partially covered, according to the authors. The actual annotated bibliography is preceded by an analytical plan which, in no less than 14 pages, attempts to cover the entire field of journalism in developing countries, from theory to press, radio, film, television and audiovisual media. At the same time, according to this plan, the relevant numbers of the titles published in the bibliography are given on pages 15 to 36, making it much easier to work through the topics. The analytical plan, like the entire work, is written in French and English, whereby the original working language was French - which is made clear in various places by obvious ‘translations’. In addition to publications from the French and English language areas, titles from the Dutch, German, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese language areas are also included. It is clear that with the use of so many languages, some printing errors creep into titles and bibliographical details, although these do not necessarily prevent the original from being found. In the introduction to this extensive work, it is specifically pointed out that no claim is made to completeness, which could hardly be achieved with publications from the non-English and non-French language areas in particular. Nevertheless, this is probably the most comprehensive bibliography on the subject to date." (Review by Franz-Josef Eilers in: Communicatio Socialis, vol. 6, 1973, no. 1, page 88)
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"Das Fernsehen ist ein politisches Medium. Es ist in seiner institutionellen Gestalt geprägt durch Entscheidungen im politischen System und durch verfassungsgerichtliche Rechtsprechung. Politische Akteure versuchen immer wieder, Einfluss zu nehmen und das Medium für eigene Zwecke zu nutzen. Gleich
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zeitig ist das Fernsehen auch auf der inhaltlichen Ebene durch und durch politisch - und das nicht nur in der dezidierten Politikberichterstattung. So prägen Nachrichten, Sondersendungen, Talk-Shows, aber auch satirische oder fiktionale TV-Formate den Blick der Rezipientinnen und Rezipienten auf Politik und Gesellschaft. Der Medienwissenschaftler Andreas Dörner zeigt, wie das Fernsehen politisch konstruiert ist und wie es zugleich selbst die politische Welt konstruiert, Identitätsangebote macht und Interpretationsfolien für das Weltgeschehen anbietet. Er analysiert auch den Wandel des Mediums im Zuge der allgegenwärtigen Digitalisierung. Das sogenannte lineare Fernsehen ist auf dem Rückzug, Mediennutzung individualisiert sich weiter und TV-Sender, Streamingdienste und Videoplattformen verschmelzen zu einem vielfältigen Bewegtbildmarkt. Aber auch mit geänderten Formen und Vertriebswegen nimmt das Medium weiterhin eine zentrale Stellung in der politischen Öffentlichkeit Deutschlands ein." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This book explores how television in the global South is 'future-proofing' its continued relevance, addressing its commercial, social and political viability in a constantly changing information ecosystem. The chapter contributions in the book are drawn from countries in East, South and West Africa
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, the Middle East and Latin America, specially selected for their illustrative potential of the key issues addressed in the book. Scholarly attention on television in the global South has largely been limited to studying evolving television formats with broader structural issues covered almost entirely by industry reports. Major gaps remain in terms of understanding how television in the global South is changing within the context of the significant technological developments and what this means for television's future(s). The chapters reflect on these futures, not in the sense of predicting what these might be, but rather anticipating important areas of intellection. The contributors contend that much of the scholarship on the global South, by scholars from the South, is often stilted by a reluctance to anticipate. This failure leads to a largely reactionary scholarship, constantly oppositional, and unable to recentre conversations on the South. This volume finds intellectual incentive in this urgent need to anticipate, hence its particular focus on television futures." (Publisher description)
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"Pensar la relevancia de la televisión hoy significa abordar los desafíos democráticos que ella enfrenta respecto a las coyunturas políticas, el contexto de convergencia mediática, el papel de los medios públicos y los procesos de innovación y ruptura en la ficción y en los géneros informat
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ivos. Todo esto en contextos complejos de polarización política, agudas crisis sociales y presiones a favor del replanteamiento del modelo neoliberal y de sus exclusiones e inequidades. En Los desafíos a las televisiones en América Latina dieciséis especialistas de distintos países del continente estudian el panorama actual y algunos procesos y experiencias en Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia y México. Este libro busca estimular el debate y el desarrollo de estudios críticos sobre la televisión y el ecosistema mediático en su relación con las culturas políticas, las políticas públicas y la in-novación en temas, narrativas y formatos, asumiendo los retos como oportunidades de cambios de rumbo y creación de nuevos derroteros para la producción, circulación y recepción crítica del medio televisivo." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Branding Brazil examines a panorama of contemporary cultural productions including film, television, photography, and alternative media to explore the transformation of citizenship in Brazil from 2003 to 2014. A utopian impulse drove the reproduction of Brazilian cultural identity for local and glo
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bal consumption; cultural production sought social and economic profits, especially greater inclusion of previously marginalized people and places. Marsh asserts that three communicative strategies from branding-promising progress, cultivating buy-in, and resolving contradictions-are the most salient and recurrent practices of nation branding during this historic period. More recent political crises can be understood partly in terms of backlash against marked social and political changes introduced during the branding period. Branding Brazil takes a multi-faceted approach, weaving media studies with politics and cinema studies to reveal that more than a marketing term or project emanating from the state, branding was a cultural phenomenon." (Publisher description)
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"Fieldwork from across Afghanistan allowed Osman to record the voices of Afghan media producers and people from all sectors of society. In this moving work, Afghans offer their own seldom-heard views on the country's cultural progress and belief systems, their understandings of themselves, and the r
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ole of international interventions. Osman looks at the national and transnational impact of media companies like Tolo TV, Radio Television Afghanistan, and foreign media giants and funders like the British Broadcasting Corporation and USAID. By focusing on local cultural contestations, productions, and social movements, Television and the Afghan Culture Wars redirects the global dialogue about Afghanistan to Afghans and thereby challenges top-down narratives of humanitarian development." (Publisher description)
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"Without a doubt, the combined power of the public arena and broadcast media is a very efective social tool for collective action in Afghanistan. Yet there are serious limits to both the media’s self-advocacy and the public’s strong and unwavering support. Te media-related crimes and murders men
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tioned in this chapter are a few of the many. Yet no arrests are made and no one is prosecuted in most of these cases. Zoorawarah can continue to censor media makers with impunity and without fears of retribution. Broadcasting the incidents of violence and censorship against media personnel and the media writ large, as well as the subsequent protests and production of investigative and expository programs is indeed generative in creating dialogue and raising awareness about media rights and the important role of a free media in a society, but it is clearly not enough. Tus far, we have seen examples of two types of potential cultural imperialism. By aggressively promoting and offering their own media products, programs, and formats, at little or no cost, the argument can be made that foreign countries are impeding the development of Afghanistan’s own media industry, artistry, and media crafts. Additionally, we have seen examples of censorship, both from endogenous and exogenous forces, ranging from pressuring the government to ban programming or directly pressuring producers to do so. In extreme cases, we have seen an egregious third form of censorship becoming prevalent in Afghanistan. High-level media personnel and wealthy media owners who are ofen prominent public fgures, such as politicians, warlords, drug lords, religious leaders, and businessmen, hire body guards and live behind gated fortress mansions, while low-level television personalities and reporters are subjected to threats, physical attacks, and death for providing people with programming they want to watch and which gives them a platform to raise their voices. Hence, it is the mid- and low-level media professionals, not the owners of the television stations they work for nor the foreign governments that are the patrons of the stations, who bear the ultimate burden of media freedom and reform in Afghanistan. Caught between warring ideologies that range from Islamist to commercial to “developmentalist,” as brave as these Afghan media personalities and journalists are, and despite their high media a profile, their low socioeconomic status leaves them vulnerable to abuse and possible death." (Conclusion, page 168-169)
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"Amid civil war, failing states, and terrorism, Arab liberals are growing in numbers and influence. Advocating a culture of equity, tolerance, good governance, and the rule of law, they work through some of the region's largest media outlets to spread their ideals within the culture. Broadcasting Ch
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ange analyzes this trend by portraying the intersection of media and politics in two Arab countries with seismic impact on the region and beyond. Through TV talk shows, drama, and comedy, local liberals play off the government's anti-Islamist agenda to more thoughtfully advocate religious reform." (Back cover)
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"As television production becomes increasingly global, television studies must advance its understanding of how the global and the local intersect and impact upon the cultures of production. Drawing on original comparative research of three small European nations – Denmark, Ireland and Wales – t
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his article offers empirical insights into the distinct challenges and opportunities for non-Anglophone producers and public service broadcasters (PSBs). The concept of small nations is employed critically to reveal how distinctions of scale and power make a tangible difference to how television is produced and distributed, and to how smaller, national PSBs are trying to secure a sustainable future." (Abstract)
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"The main points regarding the freedom of expression decrease in Ukraine include: the restriction of access to information channels (Russian books, TV channels, films, social networks, mail servers, etc.); persecution, in particular the detention and imprisonment of citizens expressing separatist vi
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ews in social networks; a mass prohibition on Russian journalists entering Ukraine, and those who were on temporarily uncontrolled territory (Crimea and Donbas). This is especially true for those who arrived in the area from the Russian Federation. In addition to this, so-called “patriotic” or loyalty-journalism became active as some journalists believe that in terms of war it is more important to participate in the information war against the enemy than just to be non-biased. Here also belong the calls not to criticize the authorities during war period, and the prolonged understatement of crimes committed by individual fighters of volunteer battalions. This led to a rapid fall of trust to Ukrainian media. According to the Institute of Sociology, the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, in 2016, only 21% of Ukrainian citizens trusted domestic media, while 51% did not. However, Ukrainian journalists should clearly understand their social role. In general, Niclas Louman is right, saying that we know about the world is taken from media. But if the media give a biased image, the audience will stop trusting. This is so, if a person is looking behind the window, and observes a different situation from that one previously watched or read. The audience is not helpless. It is possible to cheat on people once or twice but after all they will not believe this source of information anymore. This is a real tragedy for media as they lose the sense of existing. Thus, the goal of media as the information source is not just to report all recent news to the target audience, but also to ensure that the virtual picture of the world corresponds to the real one." (Editor's note, page 6)
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"Das Handbuch begründet Popkultur als inter- und transdisziplinäres Forschungsfeld sowie als eigenständige Wissenschaftsdisziplin. Es informiert in über 60 Beiträgen über die wichtigsten Erscheinungsformen und Diskurszusammenhänge der Popkultur und unterscheidet diese grundsätzlich von denen
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der Hoch- sowie Populärkultur. Die Beiträge widmen sich den Begriffen und Konzepten der Popkultur, der Bedeutung der Popkulturforschung in unterschiedlichen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen sowie den Medien und Gattungen der Popkultur - vom Rock 'n' Roll über Soul, Punk, Techno bis hin zu Pop-Art, TV-Serien, B-Movies, Social Media u.v.a. Das Handbuch bietet international erstmalig einen systematischen Überblick über das gesamte Wissensfeld der Popkultur und stellt die Popkulturforschung auf ein historisches und theoretisches Fundament." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This new book examines whether television can be used as a tool not just for capitalism, but for democracy. Throughout television’s history, activists have attempted to access it for that very reason. New technologies—cable, satellite, and the internet—provided brief openings for amateur and
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activist engagement with television. This book elaborates on this history by using ethnographic data to build a new iteration of liberalism, technoliberalism, which sees Silicon Valley technology and the free market of Hollywood end the need for a politics of participation." (Publisher description)
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"This book makes a new and significant argument that Indian news media are no longer just observers but active participants in the events that direct the nation. It explores the changing role and performance of Indian news media in the past 25 years by examining their coverage of some of the landmar
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k events and issues within the context of the India's ‘globalising’ polity, increased privatisation, new communication technologies and the rise of individualism. The challenges of globalisation have resulted in significant changes in news processes and procedures, which this volume details by scrutinising the media's reportage of several events and issues, such as anti-graft movement, paid news, sting journalism, 24-hour news and coverage of terrorism and politics—media nexus." (Publisher description)
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"The diversity of attitudes of Russian society towards television coupled with many plots and subplots emerged in the public arena providing us with an opportunity to consider them as an indicators of the maturity of civil society in Russia. It is also an indicator of the level of influence that rel
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igions have in the public sphere and the content of TV programs. I will base my judgment on public declarations by authorities of the idea that Russia strives to build a civil society, rather than examining in details the discussion whether the existence of a civil society in Russia is a fact. The current situation on Russian TV is a permanent source of concern for many people in Russia. Heated public debate about the necessity of social control over Russian TV programs was raised first by religious organizations and then supported by various groups of civil society. The current public debate over the moral control of TV has its roots in perestroika, a time when freedom of media was not accompanied by proper understanding of media responsibility in Russia." (Introduction)
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