"Es necesario que el Congreso de la República expida una ley en donde se de estabilidad y seguridad jurídica a las comunidades organizadas que prestan el servicio de radio comunitaria. En la actualidad está reglamentado mediante una Resolución Ministerial, la cual es fácilmente modificable por
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el ministro de turno. Dentro de ese marco normativo se deberían establecer los lineamientos de una política pública que contenga como mínimo lo siguiente: A) Inclusión de las campañas estatales de todos los niveles territoriales en los planes de medios de cada entidad con el fin de que se destinen recursos económicos a las radios comunitarias. La inclusión del servicio público de radiodifusión sonora comunitaria como proyecto estratégico para la democracia local y la participación ciudadana en los planes de desarrollo territorial; así se garantizaría el sostenimiento económico, sin que esto afecte la autonomía del medio [...] B) La duración de las concesiones no pueden ser inferiores a las establecidas para los demás servicios de telecomunicaciones; C) Tarifas diferenciales basadas en potencia y población para el cobro de los derechos de autor, que de todas maneras no sobrepase medio salario mínimo por anualidad. Actualmente se aproximan las tarifas a dos salarios mínimos en la anualidad, resultando más costoso que los pagos por uso del espectro; D) El Fondo del MinTIC debe destinar parte de sus recursos para apoyar a las comunidades organizadas concesionarias de emisoras comunitarias para la renovación de equipos y adecuaciones tecnológicas como es el caso de la conectividad." (Conclusiones y recomendaciones, página 33-34)
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"Developed and delivered in 2021/2022, the Digital Media Arts for an inclusive Public Sphere (Digital MAPS) programme brought together three universities, a data science and software company, an international Digital Peacebuilding NGO, as well as 18 country-based media-arts initiatives, to explore l
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ocal responses to affective polarisation – defined as the increasing dislike, distrust, and animosity towards those from other cultural or identity-based groups. As you will read, through Digital MAPS, we worked with young leaders from the creative and media-arts sector, across eight countries in MENA (Libya, Palestine, Jordan, Yemen, Iraq, the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), Tunisia and Syria), providing them with the skills, resources and technology to understand polarisation and depolarisation approaches, conduct their own social media analysis and on the basis of this design and deliver pilot interventions to undercut affective polarisation - whether it be centred on gender, ethno-sectarian conflict, intergenerational conflict or hate speech in general. We hope the information contained here within, will be of interest to digital peacebuilding and digital cultural relations practitioners, policy makers and academics. More especially, we hope it can stimulate a conversation on the intersection between the two and the role of Cultural Relations in addressing the drivers that undermine it." (Introduction)
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"L’État peine à protéger les journalistes. Les attaques contre eux sont fréquentes et leurs auteurs sont rarement traduits en justice. Une insécurité qui renforce la précarité des journalistes, par ailleurs peu rémunérés, pas toujours formés, et souvent contraints d’exercer simultan
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ment d’autres activités professionnelles. Cette étude présente des éléments à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs significatifs : Le réseau de la téléphonie mobile se démarque par sa pleine expansion qui, de 6 % en 2006, atteint aujourd’hui près de 95% de la population. De deux chaînes en 1986, la Télé Haïti et la Télévision Nationale d’Haïti (TNH), le pays est passé à environ 150 chaines aujourd’hui. En 2016, l’organe de régulation a recensé 697 stations de radio sur la bande FM dont 350 illégales. Dans le département de l’ouest, le cadran est saturé à hauteur de 158%. De nombreux facteurs concourent à entraver l’accès à l’information de tous les groupes sociaux. L’absence de statut légal place les radios communautaires dans une grande précarité. Des organisations de la société civile travaillent activement à rendre visible les groupes marginalisés et à élargir leur accès à l’information." (Résumé exécutif)
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"In a country like Ethiopia which is rich in languages, politics, cultures, and values and which experiences an exponentially growing population, media and the access to plural information is crucial for peace and development. This study finds, however, that the number of media and the diversity of
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their contents have not grown commensurate with the country’s character, while public trust also remains low. The independent journalism and media self-regulation are also in their early stages. This country report formulates data-driven, context-specific, and actionoriented recommendations to the government, journalism schools, civil society organizations, development partners and the media to achieve a strong Ethiopian media landscape that is supportive of freedom of expression and journalist safety, as well as conducive to the development of free, independent, and pluralistic media." (Back cover)
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"Esta Guía del Panorama de los Medios brinda una instantánea de los medios en Colombia, incluidas las audiencias, los productores, las preferencias de los diferentes grupos de la comunidad, la cultura de las comunicaciones y los idiomas asociados con los medios. Da una idea del papel de los medios
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en el trabajo de desarrollo, el alistamiento para crisis, los desastres recientes y (al momento de escribir este artículo) respuesta continua al COVID-19. La guía también brinda una descripción general de cada sector de los medios, incluidos los medios digitales y sociales, la radio, la televisión, la prensa y otras formas tradicionales de comunicación masiva. Cabe señalar que, dada la naturaleza en constante cambio del panorama de los medios, esta no es una descripción general completa de todos los medios y plataformas, sino más bien un resumen instantáneo de los más relevantes en el momento de escribir este artículo." (Introduccíon)
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"There are two highlights to this year’s findings, firstly, the same three platforms that scored the first point for Fair Pay last year scored a point this year too. No other platform publicly committed, or provided sufficient evidence, to ensure that workers earn at least the hourly local minimum
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wage after work-related costs. Even with workers and worker groups repeatedly emphasising the importance of a stable income for platform workers, platforms have been reluctant to publicly commit to, and operationalise, a minimum wage policy. Secondly, while workers have engaged in various forms of collective action to voice their concerns in the platform economy, platforms have been uncompromisingly unwilling to recognise or negotiate with any collective body representing workers." (Key findings, page 4)
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"This situation report herein analyses media and information literacy (MIL), disinformation, and trust in news across the Caribbean. It contains country reports from eight researchers, covering eight Caribbean nations: the Bahamas, Barbados, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, St. Vincent & the Grenadines, Su
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riname, and Trinidad & Tobago. In each country, research was undertaken over a period of five months. The methods varied across the countries, and included surveys, desk research, and expert interviews. Separately, research was undertaken to determine the feasibility of a regional trusted news network." (Executive summary)
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"The advancement of digital technologies, political and legal changes, and the growth in the number of journalism schools in Ethiopia have generally contributed to the overall growth of media outlets and media workers. However, there is no comprehensive source of information that shows the impact of
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these changes and developments in the general information ecosystem. Disinformation is still the major challenge the media space is grappling with. In addition, there are few developments in ethical and professional excellence among media practitioners. Therefore, the Center for the Advancement of Rights and Democracy (CARD) has been engaged in multiple activities to avail increased information about the media space, to raise the skills and capacities of journalists and online content creators, to bring journalists’ associations together, and to partner with other media support groups to encourage a professionally vibrant media culture. Thus, CARD commissioned this survey/review of the media landscape to help stakeholders understand the size and capacity of media outlets in Ethiopia. The survey ran a census of registered media outlets, and journalist associations, and disaggregated the data by their preferred medium of outlets as well as the professional background (training) of media workers. In addition, desk research has been conducted to understand the impact of legal and practical changes on Ethiopian media. This survey will be a powerful tool for stakeholders who are working on the media. It will help one have a better understanding of the capacity of media in Ethiopia to deliver diverse and alternative information to the diverse needs of Ethiopian society. Media support groups can accordingly design project activities to fill gaps and encourage improvements. The regulatory body, the Ethiopian Media Authority, can also use this to refine the media policy further and incentivize where the media is lagging." (Abstract)
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"Privacy is necessary for journalists to communicate freely with sources, receive confidential information, investigate corruption, and guarantee their safety and that of their sources. Therefore, it is worrying that governments and big corporations are working to undermine the right to privacy by a
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cquiring advanced software to spy on citizens and, by extension, journalists. The acquisition of digital surveillance tools and other forms of spyware will translate to fewer people willing to pass confidential information to journalists and this will undermine the right to access to information and ultimately affect democracy. In Southern Africa, Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe are some of the countries that have been reported to have acquired sophisticated software to surveil their citizens. These governments have so far not been transparent about how they intend to use these technologies in the surveillance of their citizens. A common retort is that surveillance tools will aid in the fight against crime. However, there is need to strike a balance between fighting crime and protecting citizens’ rights, such as the right to privacy and to access information." (Foreword, page 4)
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"El Salvador’s experiment, though mired with fiscal and political issues from before, has shown that the adoption of public blockchain assets like Bitcoin are not taken in good regard by legacy financial multilateral institutions and are seen with great skepticism and concern. Although the adoptio
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n of Chivo has been impressive as a platform, bitcoin payments even for remittances are still not the majority. The separation of state and money, if it happens, will be an uphill and contradictory battle, especially if El Salvador’s government fails to properly manage the experiment. Central America is interestingly home to a wide array of financial systems as of the writing of this paper. Four of its countries have their own currency and Central Banks: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras. El Salvador has a Central Bank of Reserve which does not issue money but does manage the country’s reserves, serves as lender of last resort, and now has anointed Bitcoin as legal tender alongside the dollar. Panama does not have a central bank at all, uses the USD as subsidiary legal tender with substantial monetary freedom and is considering cryptoassets in general as means of payment and not legal tender. El Salvador’s results in the next 5-10 years and possible steps by other countries in the region will determine whether non-state-issued crypto assets could viably become functional legal tender in countries and whether relatively poor and small countries can lead the way in financial and regulatory innovation or if they will have to remain followers of the rest of the developed world." (Conclusion)
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"We sought to better understand Russia's disinformation on social media and generate recommendations to better meet and counter this evolving threat. We relied on an analysis of Russian military literature, investigative efforts, official reports, academic and policy literature, media reporting, and
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expert interviews. We also conducted a case study in Ukraine, interviewing a variety of key experts in the Ukrainian government and in the nongovernmental sector who are involved in confronting Russian information warfare." (Summary)
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"After nearly 20 years of international investment and successful efforts to build a diverse media landscape and strengthen journalism standards, the Afghan media sector has fundamentally changed for the worse since the Taliban (also referred herein to as the de facto authorities) takeover on 15 Aug
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ust 2021. Before mid-August 2021, dedicated initiatives and investment focused on increasing the number of women working in the media across a diversity of roles, training and equipping them with valuable skills and expertise, as well as a substantive focus on women’s rights and gender equality in the media content, including on how gender inequality is a driver of conflict. The Taliban has sought to bring the Afghan media under its control, prohibiting broadcasts and publications that criticize Taliban rule and/or are incompatible with the group’s interpretation of Islamic and Afghan values. There is no universal experience across the changed media environment as the level of subnational variation is notable. The position of individual de facto leaders on media freedom varies according to their personal viewpoints and relationship to the media in the past, and their perception of the value of media to extend the credibility and authority of the Taliban in the eyes of the target audience. Despite subnational variations, nationwide trends are becoming increasingly discernible, clear and solidified. Although in some cases the level of discretion may be higher, rules and practices are consistent and congruent – continuous harassment, attacks, and detention of journalists, the requirement for women journalists to cover their face when on air, and various tactics which combined lead to self-censorship and exclusion of women from the media. This indicates a systematic and coherent effort to
muzzle the media and exclude women – their faces, perspectives, and experiences – from public spaces." (Summary)
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"Media, during Taliban five years period from 1996–2001, had been totally suffocated. Only limited number of print media would publish to spread the propaganda of Taliban Emirate under Sharia Law. Post-Taliban era, media landscape obtained new image with the establishment of democratic government.
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Independent media were allowed to operate in accordance with the formation of new constitution of 2004. Since the two decades of war after 9/11, media have still been maintaining its responsibility in Afghanistan to rise and promote the voice of right, equality and justice, defend human rights and spread public awareness in order to serve for social responsibilities. Despite continued challenges media outlets and journalists have made tremendous progress which it has resulted in harm of their personal life from time to time due to threats of insecurity, war, warlords, strongmen, corrupted actors in government as well as in attacks of Taliban and ISIS insurgents. Hence, media outlets and journalists have been carrying on their responsibilities despite of availed risks to them and their families. In this paper, it has been viewed the status of media freedom, process of development and continued challenges to media freedom and journalists." (Abstract)
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