"[Esta publicación] investiga y reflexiona sobre las complejidades, ambigüedades y vacíos del activismo digital. Partiendo de un trabajo de campo sobre movimientos sociales, colectivos y partidos políticos en España, Italia y Méijco, Emiliano Treré desentraña la naturaleza híbrida del activ
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ismo contemporáneo que combina lo físico y lo digital, lo humano y lo no humano, lo viejo y lo nuevo, lo interno y lo externo, lo corporativo y lo alternativo. esta obra demustra que el activismo digital es ambivalente y que el poder algorítmico tiene dos caras: ocultar el autoritarismo o repensar la democracia; servir a la represión y el proselitismo o practicar la apropiación y la resitencia." (Cubierta del libro)
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"This book brings together academic and activist work on community media, feminist, decolonial, and indigenous perspectives to digital activism, including Free and Open Communication in Latin America. The essays in this collection speak to major changes over the past decade that are reshaping digita
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l media uses and practices. The case studies presented here question many commonly held assumptions around global media ownership, sustainability, and access relevant to countries beyond Latin American contexts." (Publisher description)
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"How can we explain the multiple uses that media organizations make of media technologies across the world? This paper proposes a hybrid conceptual framework that synthesizes ideas from the sociology of knowledge approach to discourse with science & technology studies concepts (i.e., script and tech
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nological frame) in order to emphasize the importance of policy and organizational discourses in shaping multiple uses of media technologies by media organizations. We apply the conceptual framework to study the case of Mídia NINJA, a Brazilian alternative media that gained popularity due to its innovative coverage of the 2013 riots in the country through collaborative practices and digital media technologies. Based on interviews and participant observation, we found that policy discourses to change the media structure influenced in time the discourse and practices of this alternative media in Brazil, leading to new uses of digital media technologies unintended by its designers. Thereby illustrating the importance of discourses to shape within certain boundaries the multiple uses of media technologies." (Abstract)
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"This policy brief examines the work of civil society activists struggling for peace by using social media around the world. Drawing from extensive field research, as well as the social media actions of activists and civil society members of India, Pakistan and beyond, this brief explains how the so
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cial media strategies of civil society activists can ease the risk of war and violence and improve the prospect for long-term peaceful relations between both countries. The South Asia region, including Afghanistan, India and Pakistan, has been known for intractable regional conflict. The conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir led to four wars (1948, 1965, 1971, and 1999) between these countries. Although peace efforts on the part of civil society activists have existed for many years, civil society’s use of social media for peace between both the countries is a new trend. This policy brief endeavours to add new insights on civil society’s use of social media to support peace. The brief also looks at how the civil society members deploy innovative strategies of communication—mixing social media and other methods—to plan, coordinate and practice actions, such as protests, talks, and marches. This policy brief attempts to enhance existing dimensions to the ques-tion of how to respond to the rising conflicts between nuclear countries India and Pakistan – an issue that can no longer remain unnoticed by members of civil society and the interna-tional community." (Summary)
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"Since the Arab uprisings of 2011, Palestinian youth movements have formed unofficial and leaderless networks of political activism, using the internet to mobilise and bring together three generations of Palestinian activists. This book focuses on three key case studies that have marked a turning po
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int in the development of youth-organised and grassroots Palestinian politics: the 15 March movement in Gaza, the Palestinians for Dignity movement in the West Bank, and the Prawer movement of young Palestinians in Israel. Drawing on extensive fieldwork composed of interviews with leading Palestinian activists in the West Bank and Gaza and detailed analysis of social media patterns, this book offers a fresh reading of Palestinian youth and their central online and offline role in popular protests against both Israeli and Palestinian power structures." (Publisher description)
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"This book maps complex ethical dilemmas in social justice research practices in media and communication. Contributors critically analyse power dynamics that arise when building equitable research relations with media activists, social movements, and cultural producers, considering issues of access,
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control, affective labour, reciprocal critiques, and movement pedagogies. Authors probe the ethical challenges faced when horizontal relations inadvertently create conflicts leading to oppressive communication; when affective demands generate non-reciprocal relations of care; and when participant anonymity has to be balanced with self-expression and voice. Chapters explore engagements with digital technologies in developing research relations, covering new research practices from horizontal collectives to dialogical auto-ethnography; from community scholarship and pedagogies to decolonising research." (Publisher description)
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"While much research on Arab and Muslim diasporas in the West focuses on the War(s) on Terror, in this article, we explore how two particular diasporic groups, Egyptian and Saudi activists, work to shape public perceptions of the authoritarian regimes in their countries of origin. Contextualizing th
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e efforts of these activists in the post-Arab Spring political and mediated environments, we investigate how these political exiles employ communication to disrupt, expose and resist the resurgent authoritarianism taking root in their countries of origin. Using a comparative framework, we analyse the discourse of two prominent activists, Mohamed Ali and Omar Abdelaziz, to illustrate the larger dynamics of online cyberactivism amongst these diasporic groups. Critically, we argue, the differences in these two activists’ communicative practices demonstrate how ostensibly similar resistance movements may lead to disparate political outcomes, as their calls for change diverge when it comes to issues of reform versus revolution. In doing so, we seek to complicate overly simplistic understandings of Arab anti-authoritarian resistance taking place online in the post-Arab Spring era." (Abstract)
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"Die Propaganda der terroristischen Miliz "Islamischer Staat" hat für Aufsehen gesorgt und die Debatte um das Internet und vor allem das "Social Web" als Risikotechnologie oder Gefahrenraum mitbestimmt. Dabei setzt der IS auf ein breites Spektrum medialer und gestalterischer Formen und Formate eine
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r globalen, digitalen Medienkultur, um ein internationales Publikum zu erreichen: Online-Videos, anashid (Lieder) und Computerspiele; Internet-Meme, Social Media Posting oder Selfies. Der Sammelband gibt Einblick in die Bandbreite dieser jihadistischen Kommunikate, ihrer Ausdrucks- und Darstellungsweisen und zeigt dabei Möglichkeiten der Einordnung und der Auseinandersetzung auf." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Esta es una obra miscelánea que se adentra, desde múltiples perspectivas, en las interacciones entre educación y comunicación por medio de la influencia global de las redes sociales. En un contexto hiperconectado, pero no necesariamente ‘empoderado,’ resulta esencial la formación en compet
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encias mediáticas para que la ciudadanía pueda responder de forma inteligente, crítica y creativa ante el gran reto de la ‘pantalla global.’ El texto es resultado de los trabajos de la Red Interuniversitaria Euroamericana «Alfamed» en el V Congreso Internacional de Competencias Mediáticas: «Redes sociales y ciudadanía: Hacia un mundo ciberconectado y empoderado», celebrado en dos modalidades: versión virtual del 14 al 16 de octubre de 2020, y versión presencial del 5 al 7 de mayo de 2021 en Quito (Ecuador)." (Cubierta del libro)
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"The most extreme damage inflicted by social media can be seen in South Sudan. As documented in the chapter by Theo Dolan, social media in South Sudan has contributed to hatred and conflict among ethnic groups. Many investigators, including UN investigators, have warned that South Sudan's social med
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ia are triggering violence against ethnic groups. Since the beginning of the civil war in late 2013, social media has fuelled waves of hate speech that have provoked deadly violence and ethnic conflict in South Sudan, including massacres and other atrocities. In that sense, social media has become a new variation of the "hate radio" phenomenon that flourished in Rwanda before and during the 1994 genocide … Social media is also emerging as a powerful way to harass and intimidate the opponents of a regime or a political party. In this sense, it adds another weapon to the arsenal of a powerful regime that already has multiple weapons at its disposal. A regime can mobilize its supporters to use social media in a targeted way against its foes, or it can use its financial resources to create a fake army of fictional users on social media. In either case, it is tilting the playing field against its enemies. A targeted attack through social media can be more effective than the telephone threats or messages often deployed in the past. The use of social media can be more intimidating because it belittles the targeted person in front of a much bigger audience. The presence of this audience means that the attack is more damaging, more difficult to ignore and has the potential to mobilize large numbers of people against the victim … While social media is often used for anti-democratic purposes in Africa's authoritarian states, it has also been used as a force for reform, accountability and justice. It has helped to safeguard the fairness of elections. It has allowed greater scrutiny of potential threats, such as vote-rigging or violence, allowing citizens to be alerted when there is still a chance to prevent the worst abuses. It has put a spotlight on corruption and political wrongdoing, allowing activists to mobilize pressure on governments to resolve these long-neglected problems. In some cases, as it did in the Arab Spring, social media has played a role in toppling an authoritarian state. When an election was called in the small West African state of Gambia, where the dictator Yahya Jammeh had ruled for 22 years, opposition candidates had little access to state-controlled media. So the main opposition party created more than a dozen WhatsApp groups, allowing it to communicate with voters. Other forms of social media also proliferated. A leading independent group, the Gambia Youth and Women's Forum, discussed election issues on a public Facebook group with 55,000 members. The government blocked access to WhatsApp and eventually extended the shutdown to the entire internet, but Gambians used virtual private network (VPN) technology to bypass the shutdown. The opposition won the election and Jammeh was forced to flee the country." (Pages 419-423)
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"Drawing on over a dozen new empirical case studies – from Kenya to Somalia, South Africa to Tanzania – this collection explores how rapidly growing social media use is reshaping political engagement in Africa. But while social media has often been hailed as a liberating tool, the book demonstra
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tes how it has often served to reinforce existing power dynamics, rather than challenge them. Featuring experts from a range of disciplines from across the continent, this collection is the first comprehensive overview of social media and politics in Africa. By examining the historical, political, and social context in which these media platforms are used, the book reveals the profound effects of cyber-activism, cyber-crime, state policing and surveillance on political participation." (Publisher description)
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"As an introduction to this special issue of CyberOrient, this text provides an insight into ongoing research in studies of digital layers of revolutions, digital communication, and dissidence in the Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) region. Providing a short overview of the latest development
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s of uprisings and street demonstrations in the region, the text reflects on similarities and differences between the various revolts currently taking place. Digital dissidence is part and parcel of these revolts. Zooming in on the Syrian case, this article assesses how the Syrian revolution and its digital components developed into the humanitarian crisis it has become after nine years of violence. The article then shortly reflects on the Sudanese revolution of 2019, which is seemingly the most successful uprising in the Arab world thanks to a strong digital component, as noted in the words of its own revolutionaries. This text then introduces two contributions to this special issue focused on, respectively, Egypt and the occupied Palestinian territories. The contest between what Layla Shereen Sakr calls “techies on the ground” and repressive regimes is compared to that of a race between a hare and a turtle, in which the techies continuously circumvent the attempts by the repressive regimes to curtail their means of digital communication and capacity for organizing collective action." (Abstract)
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"This book focuses on the reporting of human rights in broadly defined times of conflict. It brings together scholarly and professional perspectives on the role of the media in constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in conflict and post-conflict environments, drawing on case studies fro
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m Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia. It also provides critical reflections on the challenges faced by journalists and explores the implications of constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in their day-to-day professional activities." (Publisher description)
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"Eight years after the Arab Spring there is still much debate over the link between Internet technology and protest against authoritarian regimes. While the debate has advanced beyond the simple question of whether the Internet is a tool of liberation or one of surveillance and propaganda, theory an
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d empirical data attesting to the circumstances under which technology benefits autocratic governments versus opposition activists is scarce. In this book, Nils B. Weidmann and Espen Geelmuyden Rød offer a broad theory about why and when digital technology is used for one end or another, drawing on detailed empirical analyses of the relationship between the use of Internet technology and protest in autocracies. By leveraging new sub-national data on political protest and Internet penetration, they present analyses at the level of cities in more than 60 autocratic countries. The book also introduces a new methodology for estimating Internet use, developed in collaboration with computer scientists and drawing on large-scale observations of Internet traffic at the local level. Through this data, the authors analyze political protest as a process that unfolds over time and space, where the effect of Internet technology varies at different stages of protest. They show that violent repression and government institutions affect whether Internet technology empowers autocrats or activists, and that the effect of Internet technology on protest varies across different national environments." (Publisher description)
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"Through a meticulous empirical examination of the criminalization of the Turkish hacktivist group Redhack, Dogan explores the critical conflation of hacktivism with cyber-terrorism—by national security organizations and academic researchers alike —that enables states to criminalize non-violent
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hacktivist groups. The paper’s empirical sources include interviews with Turkish security agents, legal and regulatory texts, and its theoretical grounding is a combination of literatures on moral panic, hacking, social movements, critical criminology, and framing analysis. In examining how Redhack constitutes an anomaly, and in exploring how anomalies point to the necessity of grounded, context-sensitive research, Dogan contributes conceptual development beyond Turkey and beyond hacktivism." (Page 1)
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"In this report, I have provided a glimpse of the ways in which innovative media outlets act as political agents in their current contexts, through their expressed positions, their content, and the forms in which they publish. Further work is needed to more fully describe the editorial sensibilities
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of these projects, as well as audience reception." (Page 13)
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"This paper examines digital mobilisation with respect to knowledge production, legitimacy and power in Sudan since new communication and surveillance technologies became widespread. Enthusiasm for digital opposition peaked with the Arab Spring and troughed through the repressive government apparatu
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s. Social media (SMS, Facebook, Twitter) and crowdsourcing technologies can threaten the government’s control over the public sphere as participatory practices. To arrive at this finding, we argue the significance of epistemological tools of those who control the representation of digital power, and approach state legitimacy as an ongoing and fragile process of constructing “reality” that requires continuous work to stabilise and uphold. At the same time, the paper describes an international counterpublic of security researchers and hackers who revealed that the Sudanese government invested greatly in controlling the digital landscape. We analyse Nafeer, a local grass-roots initiative for flood-disaster-relief that made use of digital media despite the digital suppression. Nafeer’s challenge to the state came from the way it threatened the state-monopoly over knowledge, revealing both the fragility and the power of state legitimacy." (Abtsract)
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"O jornalismo cidadão é um dos principais meios de democratização da comunicação. Entender a cultura organizacional de uma das grandes representantes desse tipo de jornalismo, a Mídia Ninja, é o objetivo do presente trabalho. Por meio da utilização da metodologia triangular com a aplicaç
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o de questionários, realização de entrevistas e a observação participante nas sedes da Mídia Ninja Brasília e Mídia Ninja Belo Horizonte foram obtidos como principais resultados que caracterizam o objeto de estudo: o colaborativismo, a utilização das tecnologias para a comunicação interna, a movimentação fluida da equipe." (Resumo)
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"This text, of exploratory stamp, debates the digital activism in contemporary Brazil. Methodologically, we will make a discussion on cyberactivism, digital media, and national pressure groups starting from two examples, Movimento Brasil Livre (The Free Brazil Movement) and Vem pra Rua (Come to The
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Street movement) – these are key movements in the organisation of the big anti-government mobilisation that took place in 2015–2016 in Brazil. The theme is important because it embraces current and future challenges of the digital activism, once that this field faced significant changes in the last decades, with the development of interactive media and the technological convergence." (Abstract)
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