"Academia as an industry has come to rely on journal impact factors as convenient proxy measures of faculty members’ research quality. As competition intensifies — among individuals, departments, and universities — such bibliometrics have grown in importance. At many institutions, researchers
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are pushed to publish in journals that are highly ranked. Many scholars of non-western societies have long noted, though, that “top-tier” journals, while international in reputation, are far from global in orientation. This is an issue that we and our colleagues in the Global Media Studies Network are keen to discuss. First, though, what exactly is the current state of affairs? We looked at 20 SSCI-indexed communication journals with high five-year journal impact factors. We categorised all the articles they published in 2021 and 2022 according to their geographic focus: what country or countries was each article studying? Here is what we found: [see chart]. This snapshot shows clearly that top-tier journals generally have a geographic diversity problem. Most of the articles are about the west, with a high proportion of articles focusing purely on the United States. Also striking is the lack of North-South comparative work, despite years of advocacy for comparative research. The chart may underestimate the imbalance. We coded many of the articles— literature reviews, meta-studies, or purely methodological or theoretical pieces— as geographically “non-specific” as they have no explicit focus on any particular country, but since these tend to be built on past work that was even less diverse than the field is now, most of these should probably be considered genetically western. One interesting pattern is that journals devoted to digital communication host a higher proportion of non-western work. This could be because the digital is so globalised and new that research on phenomena beyond the west (say, disinformation in Kenya’s social media) is intelligible to western editors, while research on older offline phenomena (say, caste discrimination on Indian television) requires extensive contextual explanation that journals do not have the patience for. The digital may also be more amenable than offline communication to the quantitative research methods favoured by many top journals."
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"Objective: We explore how gender-related internet-based conversations in Nigeria specifically related to sexual consent (actively agreeing to sexual behavior), lack of consent, and slut-shaming (stigmatization in the form of insults based on actual or perceived sexuality and behaviors) manifest the
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mselves and whether they changed between 2017 and 2022. Additionally, we explore what role events or social movements have in shaping gender-related narratives in Nigeria. Methods: Social listening was carried out on 12,031 social media posts (Twitter, Facebook, forums, and blogs) and almost 2 million public searches (Google and Yahoo search engines) between April 2017 and May 2022. The data were analyzed using natural language processing to determine the most salient conversation thematic clusters, qualitatively analyze time trends in discourse, and compare data against selected key events. Results: Between 2017 and 2022, internet-based conversation about sexual consent increased 72,633%, from an average 3 to 2182 posts per month, while slut-shaming conversation (perpetrating or condemning) shrunk by 9%, from an average 3560 to 3253 posts per month. Thematic analysis shows conversation revolves around the objectification of women, poor comprehension of elements of sexual consent, and advocacy for public education about sexual consent. Additionally, posters created space for sexual empowerment and expressions of sex positivity, pushing back against others who weaponize posts in support of slut-shaming narrative. Time trend analysis shows a greater sense of empowerment in advocating for education around the legal age of consent for sexual activity, calling out double standards, and rejecting slut-shaming. However, analysis of emotions in social media posts shows anger was most prominent in sexual consent (n=1213, 73%) and slut-shaming (n=226, 64%) posts. Organic social movements and key events (#ArewaMeToo and #ChurchToo, the #SexforGrades scandal, and the #BBNaija television program) played a notable role in sparking discourse related to sexual consent and slut-shaming." (Abstract)
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"The chapter examines how news coverage of feminist protests in Mexico, one of the most violent countries in the world for women and for journalists, has changed in mainstream Mexican media since the #MeToo movement’s revitalization after 2017. With few exceptions, news coverage in Mexico, a count
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ry in the Global South, has historically emphasized disruptive behavior and the use of violence rather than the grievances of protesters. This trend follows the protest paradigm, which contends that media coverage tends to disparage protesters and hinder their role as political actors. However, the trend in coverage has begun to shift over the past several years, yet minimal scholarly discussions have occurred about temporal and geographical variations in news coverage of feminist mobilizations in Mexico. Given the recent increase in feminist demonstrations and upsurge in violence against women, this chapter provides findings from qualitative content analyses of 1007 news articles from 25 Mexican news media and agencies and assesses how they reported on the annual International Women’s Day marches on March 8 for the 2018–2020 time frame. These analyses concentrate on four dimensions of news coverage that focus on women’s protests: the evolution of topics in the news narrative; the tone of the coverage focusing on demonstrations; source selection; and news frames. The chapter demonstrates that journalists in Mexico have begun to shift away from the typical protest paradigm when covering demonstrations, and that they have moved toward a more assertive framing of women’s demands." (Abstract)
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"Brazilians have adopted WhatsApp as a national media and communication infrastructure over the past several years, although it is controlled by its private US-based owner, Facebook. This article explores the diverse, contentious and influential roles the app played in the country during disruptions
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to its use from 2015 to 2018. Using content analysis, we critically engage with user-generated memes and news media coverage responding to these disruptions. In these cases, Brazilians self-reflexively questioned the app’s role in their everyday lives and country, reassessing what it means to rely on a national infrastructure owned by an unaccountable global media conglomerate." (Abstract)
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"Content moderation at scale is an extremely complicated issue, however by looking at specific examples such as the case studies and data highlighted in this study, the conversation can start to take into account more diverse experiences and context that is normally overlooked. Emerging from these e
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xperiences are recommendations for reform and structural change reflected in focus group discussions and demands by activists in the region, some of which are reproduced below. 1. Over-reliance on automated systems should be revised in light of issues emerging from non-English speaking markets. The failure of these systems to adequately account for context should be reason enough to fundamentally revise systems and protocols underpinning them. 2. Dedicating more resources to human-based content moderation in non-Western contexts. The disparity of material resources between countries considered “key economies” and the “rest of the world” is startling and has resulted in enormous challenges for societies and political structures elsewhere [...] 3. Radical transparency by tech platforms regarding the ways in which content moderation policies are formulated and implemented should be high on the priority of digital platforms [...] 4. Content moderation decisions are often one-sided, with little recource for users who are aggrieved by the decisions, both for false positives or inaction by platforms. Meta's Oversight Board is a positive start but the model only impacts select cases. There needs to be a robust and time-responsive system for appeals that provides users with complete information regarding content moderation decisions and responsive action on appeals. 5. Content moderation decisions by tech platforms, and inaction in equal measure, have resulted in tangible real-world harms in the past and present." (Conclusion, page 23-24)
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"Los 63 editoriales analizados confirman que quiénes tienen la posibilidad de hacer uso de la palabra (Ranciere, 2014), a través de las vías institucionales, continúan siendo las élites. Si tuviéramos que contar la historia de lo ocurrido entre el 18 de octubre y hasta el 15 de noviembre del 2
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019, solamente a partir de lo señalado a través de estos textos del diario El Mercurio, lo primero que podríamos señalar es que quiénes emiten palabras son las élites, y quiénes son los destinatarios de dichas palabras transformadas en discursos, son también, mayoritariamente, las élites. En este dominio del discurso que se evidencia, monopolizan también los contenidos, pues aún cuando la macroestructura semántica mayoritaria que se aborda son “las causas del conflicto”, nunca son convocados quiénes manifiestan el malestar inicial. Los subalternos, es decir, la mayor parte de las personas que conforman la sociedad chilena, quedan fuera de esta suerte de intercambio, en tanto no tienen forma de acceder a él, pues no basta con leer estos editoriales, el punto radica en que el medio de comunicación estudiado no considera a los subalternos como su destinatario ni como fuente y, por lo tanto, el tratamiento de la información y la consecuente influencia que se busca generar no está dirigida a este grupo social mayoritario." (Conclusión, página 143-144)
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"The topic of the war in Ukraine dominated the media during the first three months of the war and completely marginalized all other topics. The most foreign actor reported on most in the media was Russia, while the countries of the West, the US, the EU, and NATO were far less noticeable. Although th
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e initial open support for Russia has softened since the beginning of the war, the media continue to report in favour of Russia, and against the West. Television stations with national coverage (especially their morning news programmes), as well as parts of the daily press, are at the forefront of supporting Russia. Internet portals have a more balanced approach. Among state officials, President Vucic has monopolized the discussions of the war in Ukraine, and he is the person most credited in the media for establishing Serbia's neutral stance on this issue. Disinformation in the media is placed in such a way as to present Russia in a positive light, and the West negatively. Disinformation was most prevalent on internet portals and the printed edition of Vecernje novosti, the daily Informer, and television stations Pink and Happy." (Key findings)
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"Marc Engelhardt arbeitet selbst seit 20 Jahren aus anderen Ländern für deutsche Medien. Nun hat er für die Otto Brenner Stiftung das Diskussionspapier über den deutschen Auslandsjournalismus geschrieben. Er habe damit gerechnet, dass bestimmte Länder öfter in den Medien vorkommen als andere.
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Diesen Eindruck müsse jede*r bekommen, der die Nachrichten verfolge. Um nicht nur über Anekdotisches zu schreiben, erarbeitete er konkrete Zahlen. Dafür analysierte Engelhardt, wie oft Ländernamen und Regionen vom 1. Januar 2010 bis 31. Dezember 2019 in 23 führenden Zeitungen vorkommen. Mit Abstand am meisten berichteten die Zeitungen über die USA. Damit habe er gerechnet. „Aber auf dem zweiten Platz liegt Großbritannien, und das kommt auf nicht einmal die Hälfte der Berichte“, sagt Engelhardt. „Ich habe nicht damit gerechnet, dass es so viel Berichterstattung über die USA gibt.“ 34 Staaten kamen hingegen weniger als 50-mal in der Berichterstattung vor und aus 15 Regionen wurde gar nicht berichtet, darunter die umkämpfte Westsahara. Insgesamt verblasse die Welt in der Auslandsberichterstattung. Der Grund dafür sei, dass sich nur wenige Medien eigene Korrespondent*innen leisteten und in den meisten Ländern keine Korrespondent*innen aktiv seien, erklärt Engelhardt. Einzelne decken dabei mehrere Länder ab – sie sind teilweise für Gebiete mit mehreren Tausend Kilometern Breite zuständig [...] In seinem Diskussionspapier fordert Marc Engelhardt dafür öffentliche Mittel, denn es handle sich um eine gesellschaftliche Aufgabe. Über die genaue Ausgestaltung müsse aber noch diskutiert werden, denn die Regierung dürfe keinen Einfluss darauf haben, worüber Korrespondent*innen berichten. Aber der bisherige Weg habe keine Zukunft, „die Marktmechanismen reichen offenbar nicht“, findet er." (David Muschenich, Studie zu Auslandsjournalismus: Blinde Flecken, in: taz online, 1.3.2022)
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"Die digitale Transformation der Öffentlichkeit führte zu einem Aufschwung von alternativen Nachrichtenmedien im Netz, die den professionellen Informationsjournalismus konkurrieren. Als Gegenöffentlichkeiten stehen sie in Opposition zur hegemonialen Öffentlichkeit aus Politik und Medien. Lisa Sc
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hwaiger nimmt eine Bestandsaufnahme alternativer Nachrichtenmedien im deutschsprachigen Raum vor und ordnet diese typologisch ein. Mit einem netzwerkanalytischen Ansatz untersucht sie die Relationen zwischen Alternativ- und Mainstreammedien in der Twitter-Sphäre und liefert neue Erkenntnisse zu einem gesellschaftlich hochrelevanten Thema." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The sixth edition of “The World’s Most Under-Reported Crises” highlights the humanitarian crises that receive the least media coverage worldwide. Why is the public more interested in the billionaire’s space race than the fight for survival of millions of people around the world? The ongoing
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crisis in Syria – the second most widely reported humanitarian crisis after Afghanistan – still received less global online media coverage (230,000 articles) than the space flights of Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos (239,422 articles). While Zambia, where more than one million people are living with extreme hunger, was only covered in 512 reports compared with the announcement that Ben Affleck and Jennifer Lopez are dating again, resulting in 91,979 online articles globally. The global prioritisation of media coverage is astonishing to us and, as a humanitarian aid organisation, CARE is dedicated to shining a light on the world’s neglected crises as well as providing much-needed assistance to those living through them. But what you may not realise is that your media consumption has a significant influence on what is reported and how much. Because it has never been so easy to measure media behaviour as precisely as it is today. When media coverage captures public attention, it can precipitate change. That’s why we want to focus attention on the emergencies and conflicts where humanitarian work can save lives and improve the situation." (Introduction, page 3)
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"In 2011, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders defined stigmatization as the characterization of human rights defenders as “terrorists”, “enemies of the State” or “political opponents” by state authorities and state media and its use to delegitimize their work,
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increasing their vulnerability to human rights abuses and violations. The CDJ has recorded acts of stigmatization against human rights defenders between January 2019 and June 2021 in Venezuela, through public and private media outlets with links to the government. Often these media outlets, which may take the form of web portals, television programmes and blogs, among others, use the spaces to attack, expose and harass people who are perceived as critical of the government of Nicolás Maduro. Upon analysing the database with more than 300 acts of stigmatization between January 2019 and June 2021, the media outlets whose content was most frequently repeated ahead of detentions by Venezuelan security forces were Con el Mazo Dando, Misión Verdad and the web portal Lechuguinos [...] The correlation between politically motivated arbitrary detentions, carried out by all state security agents, and stigmatization, carried out by all sources of stigmatization, was filtered by each year analysed due to the different nature of each period. From this analysis it was shown that while in 2019 the overall correlation between both variables was 29%, in 2020 it increased to 42% and in the first half of 2021 it reached 77%. The annual correlations between arbitrary detentions and stigmatization also varied depending on the different security forces involved in the detention. Thus, there is a closer correlation in 2019 with detentions occurring by intelligence agencies (DGCIM and SEBIN), in 2020 by bodies under the PNB, including the FAES, which rises to 92%, and in 2021 by bodies of a civilian and decentralized nature, such as the FAES, municipal police forces and the Scientific, Penal and Criminal Investigation Corps (CICPC) which also rises to 92% correlation with stigmatization." (Executive summary, page 6-7)
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"High-quality news is important, not only for its own sake but also for its political implications. However, defining, operationalizing, and measuring news media quality is difficult, because evaluative criteria depend upon beliefs about the ideal society, which are inherently contested. This concep
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tual and methodological paper outlines important considerations for defining news media quality before developing and applying a multimethod approach to measure it. We refer to Giddens’ notion of double hermeneutics, which reveals that the ways social scientists understand constructs inevitably interact with the meanings of these constructs shared by people in society. Reflecting the two-way relationship between society and social sciences enables us to recognize news media quality as a dynamic, contingent, and contested construct and, at the same time, to reason our understanding of news media quality, which we derive from Habermas’ ideal of deliberative democracy. Moreover, we investigate the Swiss media system to showcase our measurement approach in a repeated data collection from 2017 to 2020. We assess the content quality of fifty news media outlets using four criteria derived from the deliberative ideal (N=20,931 and 18,559 news articles and broadcasting items, respectively) and compare the results with those from two representative online surveys (N=2,169 and 2,159 respondents). The high correlations between both methods show that a deliberative understanding of news media quality is anchored in Swiss society and shared by audiences. This paper shall serve as a showcase to reflect and measure news media quality across other countries and media systems." (Abstract)
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"Biodiverse ecosystems play a key role in maintaining life on earth. In response to rapid declines in biodiversity throughout the world, the UN Biodiversity Summit 2020 brought together world leaders to discuss potential solutions. We draw on cognitive linguistics, critical discourse analysis and ec
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olinguistics in analysing the summit contributions. All speakers blended vocabulary from the fields of BUSINESS and NATURE; in doing so, they were able to advocate solving biodiversity loss by implementing approaches commonly found in business. In addition, three main ‘moves’ were employed in these speeches: (i) the state of nature was lamented, (ii) the interdependent relationship between humans and nature was mentioned and (iii) a call to action was given. It is argued that relying on the BUSINESS–NATURE blend for solutions to environmental problems serves to maintain the status quo and may obscure pathways to transformational change. Linguistic strategies for more effective environmental communication are suggested." (Abstract)
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"Does radio programming by Studio Tamani in Mali create an empowering environment for women’s voices? Contributing to existing theoretical discussions on radio and women’s empowerment, this article examines the need to discuss women’s empowerment not from the perspective of women as individual
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s, but from the perspective of “webs of relations”, thus allowing intersubjectivity and evolving relationships with others to be considered. “Webs of relations” refers to the broader societal, institutional, and structural inequalities and injustices that women face in their everyday lives and which shape women’s agency and decision-making power. To achieve this aim, the article draws on two rounds of focus group discussions (FGDs) conducted in 2019–2020 and content analyses of a series of women-related radio programmes broadcast in Mali by Studio Tamani, the radio studio created by the Swiss-based media organisation Fondation Hirondelle. It suggests that the plurivocality of Malian women, as a diverse and heterogenous group, must be reflected in radio debates on women’s issues in order to reflect the “web of relations” that delimit women’s empowerment." (Abstract)
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"1. Los noticiarios y los programas matinales, le otorgaron más del 10% de su tiempo a temas relacionados con el plebiscito y la nueva constitución. De este modo, los matinales fueron los programas no temáticos que más tiempo le dedicaron a estos temas. 2. Hubo equilibrio en el tiempo otorgado p
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or la TV a las opciones Apruebo y Rechazo. 3. En algunos casos, especialmente en noticiarios y matinales, la opción Apruebo obtuvo mayor presencia, debido a polémicas coyunturales. Los matinales y noticiarios tienden a cubrir ampliamente las controversias. 4. Las temáticas tratadas fueron principalmente dos: campañas y despliegue de comandos; y en segundo lugar, la discusión sobre propuestas constitucionales. Lo primero se encontró en matinales y noticiarios centrales; lo segundo, en programas temáticos sobre la constitución. 5. En cuanto a voces y actorías, hubo un fuerte desequilibrio de sexo en quienes participaron en matinales y noticiarios. Los programas temáticos, en cambio, lograron una mayor paridad de sexo. 6. Se invisibilizó casi por completo a los pueblos originarios y la sociedad civil. Hubo un 8% de presencia de expertos. En contraste, fueron los políticos quienes tuvieron el mayor tiempo en pantalla (82%, incluyendo en la categoría de "políticos" a los ex-constituyentes). En conclusión, La televisión tiende a entender el pluralismo como equilibrio de ideas, pero no como representación de la diversidad social." (Puntos clave, page 3)
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"Es reconocida la influencia que tienen los medios de comunicación en la construcción y reproducción de estas representaciones sociales. Los contenidos comunicativos contribuyen a la creación o refuerzo de estereotipos, que en algunos casos generan valoraciones inadecuadas que fomentan la exclus
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ión o la estigmatización de determinados grupos poblacionales. Es por esto que la Comisión de Regulación de Comunicaciones - CRC - consideró primordial conocer los elementos que caracterizan a las representaciones sociales que se emiten en los contenidos audiovisuales, ya que los medios de comunicación y, en especial, la televisión tiene gran incidencia en la manera en que los colombianos nos identificamos y nos reconocemos cultural y socialmente. Por lo tanto, conocer los roles y los comportamientos que se les asignan a los diferentes grupos poblacionales en los contenidos televisivos es fundamental para evidenciar cómo la diversidad y el pluralismo son tenidos en cuenta en estos." (Introducción, página 4)
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"During the monitoring period (February 24 – April 24) the following tendencies have been identified: Out of the 160 false information and manipulative content, mainly disseminated in Russian and Georgian sources, the largest share (49.4%) was directed against Ukraine, followed by disinformation a
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gainst the West (28.1%). Part of the false and manipulative content was aimed at justifying Russia’s actions (16.3%). In order to evade Russia’s responsibility for human casualties, the Kremlin’s propaganda has resorted to the tactic of “whataboutism” – in response to accusations, the Russian side has been arguing that the Ukrainian side was the one killing the civilian population and that the population was endangered not by Russian troops but by the actions of the Azov Battalion and other so-called ‘Nazi groups.’ The denial of Russian responsibility for the military intervention in Ukraine was also bolstered by deliberate disinformation, reinforcing the idea that Ukraine was fabricating information about the victims (Mariupol blogger story, Bucha Massacre). Visual manipulations, including those related to the pandemic, were often used for this purpose [...]" (Key findings)
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"The Strong Cities Network (SCN) conducted an online investigation into the scale and scope of Russian-language stigmatisation and abuse of Central Asian labour migrants. Through a mixed-methods approach that combined natural-language processing technology with manual qualitative research, the SCN w
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as able to identify key narratives and terminology used to dehumanise and ostracise Central Asians. This paper presents the SCN's findings and provides a series of recommendations for addressing anti-migrant hateful and polarising content online." (Executive summary)
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