"Die Coronavirus-Pandemie hat sich in weiten Teilen der Welt negativ auf die Meinungs- und Medienfreiheit ausgewirkt. Betroffen sind viele Partnerländer der deutschen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit: Menschen können nicht auf relevante Informationen zugreifen, unter anderem, weil sie keinen adäquaten
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Internetzugang haben. Gesellschaften mangelt es an Orientierung, da sie von einer Flut an falschen Nachrichten überschwemmt werden. Journalistinnen und Journalisten können ihre Arbeit nur unzureichend erledigen, etwa aufgrund wirtschaftlicher Schwierigkeiten der Medienhäuser. Bürgerinnen und Bürger sind von maßgeblichen Daten und Fakten zur Pandemie abgeschnitten – insbesondere, weil Regierungen Nachrichten zensieren und unabhängige Berichterstattung unterbinden. Dabei greifen staatliche Stellen vermehrt auf repressive Maßnahmen zurück: sowohl gegenüber Journalistinnen und Journalisten als auch gegenüber der Bevölkerung insgesamt. Die Pandemie hat zudem bereits bestehende strukturelle Schwächen moderner Informations-Ökosysteme offengelegt. Diese Trends erschweren es, die vielschichtigen Herausforderungen zu bewältigen. Menschen fehlt es an Information, auf deren Grundlage sie risikobewusst handeln können. Einzelne Bevölkerungsgruppen drohen weiter abgehängt zu werden, weil sie ihre Anliegen nicht wirksam zum Ausdruck bringen können. Gesellschaften können sich nicht umfassend über Wege aus der Krise verständigen. Um entwicklungspolitische Ziele erreichen zu können, braucht es intakte Informations-Ökosysteme: mit allgemeinem Zugang, professionellen Qualitätsfiltern, unabhängigen Medienunternehmen und freiheitlichen Rahmenbedingungen." (Zusammenfassung)
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"1. The findings reveal the disproportionate impact fake news has on minority communities in Indonesia, including psychological stress, economic damage, sexual and physical violence and harm. 2. It sheds light on how fake news has been weaponized by hegemonic groups in society to both amass various
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forms of political and religious capital, as well as to socially control and discipline minority groups. 3. Furthermore, it shows how the state is implicated in the problem through biased and politicized policing of fake news. 4. Given that the proliferation of fake news is facilitated through modern social media platforms, increased state regulation towards these platforms has the potential to curb the worst effects of disinformation and create a healthier public sphere. 5. More than delegating the resolution of the problem to the government however, it is also important that ground-up solutions – especially educational efforts to both raise awareness of fake news, as well as the phenomenon of how fake new is being instrumentalized politically – are advanced." (Key findings)
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"Russia recycled previous narratives and exacerbated tensions in Western society while attempting some propaganda about Russian scientific prowess. Russia’s approach evolved little; it recycled previous narratives, spreading a broad range of COVID-19 disinformation. Evidence supports the theory th
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at Russia seeks to strengthen itself in relative terms by weakening the West, while China seeks to strengthen itself in absolute terms. The Kremlin and the CCP learned from each other. While limited evidence exists of explicit cooperation, instances of narrative overlap and circular amplification of disinformation show that China is following a Russian playbook with Chinese characteristics. Russia is simultaneously learning from the Chinese approach. The largest difference between China and Russia’s information warfare tactics remains China’s insistence on narrative consistency, compared with Russia’s “firehose of falsehoods” strategy. Even with substantially greater resources, this largely prevents Chinese narratives from swaying public opinion or polarizing societies." (Executive summary)
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"The internet brought new opportunities for Pakistan to develop into a progressive society and a more democratic country, and it opened doors for more forms of criminal activity (like fraud, child pornography, etc.), more intimidation and the spreading extremism, and more information gathering on ci
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tizens by business and state agents. It will be highly important to Pakistan to more actively and more successfully develop the positive sides of IT technology, internet services, and the social media, while at the same time check its excesses, problems and abuses. FES Pakistan is delighted to present the report “Internet Landscape 2020” It is providing an excellent overview of internet usage, and on its dangers and opportunities. We hope, the report will facilitate a broad discussion about the use and further development of the internet in Pakistan, to fully tun it into another means for Pakistan to utilize its full potential and develop into a more progressive, citizen-oriented country." (Preface, page 4)
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"As media environments and communication practices evolve over time, so do theoretical concepts. This book analyzes some of the most well-known and fiercely discussed concepts of the digital age from a historical perspective, showing how many of them have pre-digital roots and how they have changed
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and still are constantly changing in the digital era. Written by leading authors in media and communication studies, the chapters historicize 16 concepts that have become central in the digital media literature, focusing on three main areas. The first part, Technologies and Connections, historicises concepts like network, media convergence, multimedia, interactivity and artificial intelligence. The second one is related to Agency and Politics and explores global governance, datafication, fake news, echo chambers, digital media activism. The last one, Users and Practices, is finally devoted to telepresence, digital loneliness, amateurism, user generated content, fandom and authenticity. The book aims to shed light on how concepts emerge and are co-shaped, circulated, used and reappropriated in different contexts." (Publisher description)
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"This companion brings together various concepts used to analyse dimensions of media disinformation and populism. The companion is theoretically and methodologically comprehensive and features various historical and critical approaches providing a full and incisive understanding of media, misinforma
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tion and populism. It is both interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary consisting of contributions from scholars analysing aspects of misinformation, disinformation and populism across countries, political systems and media systems. A global, comparative approach to the study of misinformation and populism is important in identifying common elements and particular characteristics, and these individual essays cover a wide range of topics and themes, with contributions from both leading and young scholars. The distinctiveness of the companion is its encompassing of a variety of subject areas: Political Communication, Journalism, Law, Sociology, Cultural studies, International Politics, and International Relations." (Publisher description)
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"Fake News, Hate Speech und Rassismus im Netz: Soziale Medien bieten Menschen und Organisationen auch dafür eine Plattform. Wie kann man gegensteuern und selbst aktiv für Demokratie, Meinungsvielfalt und die Entgiftung des gesellschaftlichen Klimas eintreten? Said Rezek, Politikwissenschaftler und
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Journalist, bezieht seit Jahren als Blogger Stellung gegen Rassismus und Hass im Netz. In diesem Buch vermittelt er das Handwerkszeug dazu: Was macht einen reichweitenstarken Blog aus? Zu welchen Themen und Anlässen lohnt sich die Positionierung? Welche Beitragsformen – z.B. Tweets, Memes, Listicles oder Offene Briefe - kann man speziell in Social Media einsetzen? Wie arbeitet man selbst gleichermaßen rechtssicher und kompetent und schützt sich vor Verletzungen der eigenen Privatsphäre? Das Buch bietet zahlreiche praktische Beispiele, wie, wann und wofür es sich zu bloggen lohnt, um Gegnern einer vielfältigen, friedlichen und demokratischen Gesellschaft nicht das Feld zu überlassen." (Buchrücken)
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"In this book, Philip Seib, one of the world's leading experts on media and war, offers a probing analysis of the role of information in warfare from the Second World War to the present day and beyond. He focuses on some of the thorniest issues on the contemporary agenda: When untruthful and inflamm
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atory information poisons a nation's political processes and weakens its social fabric, what kind of response is appropriate? How can media literacy help citizens defend themselves against information warfare? Should militaries place greater emphasis on crippling their adversaries with information rather than kinetic force? Well-written and wide-ranging, Information at War suggests answers to key questions with which governments, journalists, and the public must grapple during the years ahead." (Back cover)
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"Interestingly, traditional sources of power, such as military and economic strength, are not a prerequisite for success in cyberspace. It is true that the premier league of cyber powers also includes many traditional major powers in its ranks. But states need very few resources to build their cyber
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capabilities and exploit them to project influence, as the examples of international outsiders like Iran and Venezuela demonstrate. In some ways, cyber capabilities even seem ideally suited to allowing small and medium-sized countries to increase their influence because they represent an effective tool of asymmetric warfare. Even though they require relatively few resources and low-threshold technology, they have the potential to inflict considerable damage when deployed against other countries Attacks on poorly protected public authorities, businesses, or even infrastructure can cause serious damage to other countries. The risks for the attacker are reasonably low because attribution of the attacks is usually difficult and time-consuming. On top of this, the evidence is seldom clear, and consistent denial of any involvement is part and parcel of cyber warfare. This is also one of the key differences from previous power struggles at the international level. While the global battle for power and influence has always been accompanied by visible demonstrations of power and the accumulation of status symbols, the struggle in cyberspace takes place under the radar. This makes it especially difficult to identify shifts of power occurring today. Particularly in the field of information warfare, an area of growing importance in both national and international conflicts, states that were never previously on the radar as global players are now increasing their international influence. Yet, these countries recognised the potential of digital technologies at an early stage and are exploiting them with great success. Many of them have a wealth of experience in this respect due to having deployed the tools of information warfare against their own citizens and political opponents for many years. They can now direct this expertise towards other countries to wield global influence." (Conclusion, page 103)
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"On 17th June 2021 GFMD's International Media Policy and Advisory Centre hosted a meeting of 54 media development donors, practitioners and academics to discuss effective responses to disinformation. Disinformation was chosen after it was selected as a priority in a survey of those engaged with GFMD
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IMPACT's activities, as well as in previous consultations with media development actors [...] The meeting report summarises the presentations and discussions that took place in the breakout groups and main session. Ideas put forward on how to make media development responses more effective included: the need for coordination and coalition building; emphasizing the “do no harm” principle, reframing the discussion on disinformation to focus resources on support for journalism; how to effectively make the case for journalism support. Language barriers and sustainability were identified as challenges for fact-checking programmes. Fact-checking services adopting critical media literacy approaches was among many suggestions on how to more effectively engage vulnerable/polarised communities. Research and researchers on disinformation need to be broader and more diverse. Creative solutions were proposed for improving data & information sharing. More research is needed on "production" disinformation. Support to journalism must address: the fact that newsrooms and journalists themselves can be obstacles to building resilience in societies; polarization within journalism. A working paper on measuring and evaluating disinformation programmes identified five key challenges for evaluators and argues for building a community of practice around countering disinformation; carrying out a comparative, impact study; creating a diagnostic tool for program design." (Main takeaways)
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"This book explores the challenges that disinformation, fake news, and post-truth politics pose to democracy from a multidisciplinary perspective. The authors analyse and interpret how the use of technology and social media as well as the emergence of new political narratives has been progressively
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changing the information landscape, undermining some of the pillars of democracy. The volume sheds light on some topical questions connected to fake news, thereby contributing to a fuller understanding of its impact on democracy. In the Introduction, the editors offer some orientating definitions of post-truth politics, building a theoretical framework where various different aspects of fake news can be understood. The book is then divided into three parts: Part I helps to contextualise the phenomena investigated, offering definitions and discussing key concepts as well as aspects linked to the manipulation of information systems, especially considering its reverberation on democracy. Part II considers the phenomena of disinformation, fake news, and post-truth politics in the context of Russia, which emerges as a laboratory where the phases of creation and diffusion of fake news can be broken down and analysed; consequently, Part II also reflects on the ways to counteract disinformation and fake news. Part III moves from case studies in Western and Central Europe to reflect on the methodological difficulty of investigating disinformation, as well as tackling the very delicate question of detection, combat, and prevention of fake news." (Publisher description)
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"Entgrenzt, entfesselt, entgleist? Im digitalen Zeitalter ist Kommunikation prinzipiell schrankenlos, die Anlässe für Debatten sind unübersehbar – und die Art und Weise, wie in der (Netz)öffentlichkeit weniger mit- als vor allem übereinander gesprochen wird, oftmals weit jenseits überkommene
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r Standards. Konflikte auszutragen sei in offenen Gesellschaften unabdingbar, und zugleich, so Bernhard Pörksen und Friedemann Schulz von Thun, stelle sie das vor neue Herausforderungen. Wie, so fragen die Autoren, lässt sich den vielen vergifteten Auseinandersetzungen begegnen, die Vorbehalte vor Inhalte setzen und in der Herabwürdigung von Menschen oder im Erobern von Deutungshoheiten dem Zusammenhalt und der Offenheit unserer Gesellschaft schaden? Wo liegen die Grenzen des Erträglichen? Um welche Art von Kommunikation geht es? Mit wem kann oder muss man, nicht mehr oder immer noch, reden, und wenn ja, wie? Dialogisch leuchten der Medienwissenschaftler Pörksen und der Psychologe Schulz von Thun das Bewusstsein um die Macht der Kommunikation mit ihren Untiefen, ihrem Potenzial für Kränkungen und Missverständnisse aus. Der Anspruch bestehe darin, den Dialog gleichermaßen authentisch und wertschätzend, ebenso reflektiert und situationsgerecht wie der Wahrheit verpflichtet zu führen." (Buchrücken)
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"This report compares the impact of legislation in countries with multiparty legislatures and independent government institutions, and countries with one dominant political force and an absence of independent national institutions. It finds that in the former countries, provisions are included to sa
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feguard human rights and democratic practices, in particular freedom of expression, whilst international conventions are adhered to and aligned with human rights principles. In contrast, the latter countries place the authority of the state at the centre of dis-information laws, and their interpretation of what constitutes fake news is often vaguely-worded. To address these issues, a set of recommendations are prescribed to governments in the region to adhere to the international obligations, set up independent institutions, ensure multi-stakeholder collaboration, and seek expert advise the conditions to regard when implementing national legislation, policies and practices." (Abstract, page 61)
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"Artificially intelligent “bot” accounts attack politicians and public figures on social media. Conspiracy theorists publish junk news sites to promote their outlandish beliefs. Campaigners create fake dating profiles to attract young voters. We live in a world of technologies that misdirect our
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attention, poison our political conversations, and jeopardize our democracies. With massive amounts of social media and public polling data, and in-depth interviews with political consultants, bot writers, and journalists, Philip N. Howard offers ways to take these “lie machines” apart. 'Lie Machines' is full of riveting behind-the-scenes stories from the world’s biggest and most damagingly successful misinformation initiatives—including those used in Brexit and U.S. elections. Howard not only shows how these campaigns evolved from older propaganda operations but also exposes their new powers, gives us insight into their effectiveness, and explains how to shut them down." (Publisher description)
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"Three notable trends punctuated an especially dismal year for internet freedom. First, political leaders used the pandemic as a pretext to limit access to information. Authorities often blocked independent news sites and arrested individuals on spurious charges of spreading false news. In many plac
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es, it was state officials and their zealous supporters who actually disseminated false and misleading information with the aim of drowning out accurate content, distracting the public from ineffective policy responses, and scapegoating certain ethnic and religious communities. Some states shut off connectivity for marginalized groups, extending and deepening existing digital divides. In short, governments around the world failed in their obligation to promote a vibrant and reliable online public sphere. Second, authorities cited COVID-19 to justify expanded surveillance powers and the deployment of new technologies that were once seen as too intrusive. The public health crisis has created an opening for the digitization, collection, and analysis of people’s most intimate data without adequate protections against abuses. The third trend has been the transformation of a slow-motion “splintering” of the internet into an all-out race toward “cyber sovereignty,” with each government imposing its own internet regulations in a manner that restricts the flow of information across national borders." (Pages 1-2)
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"The aim of this paper is to investigate the phenomena of misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation, as well as their impact on the political sphere. In addition, the paper attempts to explain the harmful influence of misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation on public debates, dem
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ocratic processes, and civil society engagement." (Introduction)
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"Most adult Namibians own mobile phones (88%) and radios (67%). Four in 10 (40%) own television sets, and one in four (25%) own computers. Daily Internet use has multiplied over the past decade, increasing from 5% in 2008 to 28% in 2019. But more than four in 10 Namibians (44%) still “never” use
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the Internet. The most common source of daily news for Namibians is the radio (62%), followed by TV (40%), the Internet (27%), social media (27%), and newspapers (23%). Among the three-fourths (76%) of adult Namibians who have heard of social media, half (51%) see its effects on society as positive, while one-fourth (24%) see them as negative. Social media users are most frequently blamed as sources of false (fake) news (by 67% of respondents), followed by journalists (62%) and politicians (60%). Eight out of 10 Namibians regard the country’s news media as “completely free” (47%) or “somewhat free” (33%). But a majority (56%) think the government should have the right to prevent publications it disapproves of – more than twice as many as a decade ago. Moreover, majorities say the government should be able to limit or prohibit the sharing of false news (64%), of information or opinions that it disapproves of (54%) or that criticize or insult the president (62%), and of hate speech (62%). Yet more than half (55%) of citizens say that unrestricted access to the Internet and social media should be protected." (Key findings)
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"This paper examines online discourse about the White Helmets, a volunteer rescue group that operates in rebel (anti-regime) areas of Syria. The White Helmet’s humanitarian activities, their efforts to document the targeting of civilians through video evidence, and their non-sectarian nature (that
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disrupted regime-preferred narratives of rebels as Islamic terrorists) put the group at odds with the Syrian government and their allies, including Russia. Consequently, they became a target of a persistent effort to undermine them. Disinformation can be defined as information that is deliberately false or misleading. Its purpose is not always to convince, but to create doubt. Bittman (1985) describes one tactic of disinformation as “public relations … in reverse” meant to damage an adversary’s image and undermine their objectives. We argue that disinformation is best understood as a campaign—an assemblage of information actions—employed to mislead for a strategic, political purpose. Prior research and investigative reporting have characterized the campaign against the White Helmets as disinformation, due to its connection to Russia’s influence apparatus, its use of false and misleading narratives to delegitimize the group, and its function to create doubt about their evidence documenting atrocities perpetrated by the Syrian regime and their Russian allies. This research examines “both sides” of the White Helmets discourse—exploring how the White Helmets promote their work and foster solidarity with online audiences through their own social media activity and through episodic attention from mainstream media, and examining how the campaign against the White Helmets attempts to counter and delegitimize their work through strategic use of alternative and social media. We do not make any claims about the veracity of specific pieces of content or specific narratives shared by accounts on either side of this conversation. However, we do highlight how the campaign against the White Helmets reflects emerging understandings of disinformation in this context." (Page 2)
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