"In this study, the researcher examined the development of the various theoretical frameworks that define the practice of development communication, and then reached out to the international development community through a survey to discover: a) whether an assumption that development communication i
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s not sufficiently appreciated by decision and policy makers in development organizations is correct; and b) if it is, what possible reasons there could be for this. The researcher found that where this assumption is correct, possible reasons for it could be a) a deficiency of empirical indicators on which policy makers can base their budgeting decisions; and/or b) a lack of effective communication between those that advocate for development communication and those at the top of the organizational hierarchies." (Abstract)
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"Radio has long been seen as an important tool in the social, economic and political mobilization of developing countries. There have been volumes (Fardon & Furniss; Head Manoff; Wedell; Hyden, Leslie & Ogundimu) written about social development and the utility of radio in addition to how radio migh
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t be used in post-conflict and nation building scenarios. However, there has been little, if any, examination of a more holistic approach of how both these bodies of work might be melded together providing some insight into how media, and more specifically radio, might be used as a peacebuilder. This paper seeks to draw elements from both social development and conflict resolution theories, bringing them together to examine how radio could be used in post-conflict and conflict resolution situations. An examination of Radio Okapi in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC; former Zaire) will serve as a case study of the role radio can play as a post-conflict or peace-building tool." (Introduction)
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"This working paper was conceived to stimulate debate on new trends in the evaluation function within the Post-Paris new Aid architecture and the UN Reform, and to explore the status of the evaluation function in CIS countries. Though this paper is not a technical manual or handbook, the authors mad
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e every effort to offer practical proposals on how to implement a democratic approach to evaluation.
The paper is divided into three parts. In the first part, Segone presents the evolution of the evaluation function in the context of UN Reform and a changing Aid architecture. This part is mainly based on the discussion and outcomes of the IDEAS 1st Biennial Conference held in New Delhi in 2005 and conceptual discussions within the UN. Samuel Bickel presents an assessment of the status of the evaluation status worldwide, based on the address he delivered at the 2005 IPEN Conference held in Kazakhstan. Quesnel introduces how the growing professional evaluation organizations are instrumental to strengthen the evaluation function worldwide. Segone then presents thoughts on the scope of the evaluation function.
In the second part Segone proposes a strategy for improving the evaluation function through strengthening a pro-evaluation culture and a democratic approach to evaluation. Kushner, one of the world’s leading thinkers on Democratic evaluation, presents his thinking on the relationship between Evaluation and Democracy.
In the third part, six members of IPEN, coordinated by Kuzmin, analyse the evaluation function in CIS countries, giving important information on its status and trends. This piece is particularly important as it is one of the few existing documents on the evaluation function in CIS countries. Finally, the annexes give practical information on how to access international evaluation resources via the Internet and present the UN Evaluation Norms and Standards and guidelines on how to develop evaluation ToR." (Introduction, page 8)
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"The lessons taught by Radio Okapi are many: There needs to be a myriad of players and partners involved including IGOs, NGOs, and citizens of the country/ies in question. The UN on its own may not be sufficient particularly in a region where its mission may not be understood; We need to find some w
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ay to involve ordinary citizens and give them a voice; The use of several languages must absolutely be considered if a media intervention is to succeed in a multilingual environment. There is a desire to reach as many people as possible thus the need to broadcast in several languages – a task that can prove daunting, yet not insurmountable; There must be long-term planning. There needs to be a balance between short-term (maintenance of order) and long-term goals (building a viable indigenous media system; There must be follow up. Some view UNTAC radio mission as a failure precisely because of the lack of follow up. Organizations, be they IGO or NGO, cannot simply parachute in. There must be commitment for the media are not simply injectable; there are no simplistic solutions; Given the complexities of such situations, the remedies must be transnational for we live in an interactive, transnational world; Although there are significant challenges, there needs to be some way to measure the effectiveness of such projects for how can one quantify the role that radio, or media in general, plays in peacebuilding. Indeed, what are the measures used to gauge peacebuilding?; Priority needs to be placed on sustaining the impact of such training. Therefore there needs to be some mechanism put in place so that local staff are trained and self-sufficient before foreign staff depart; Local partnerships are crucial thus bringing diverse people together to work on a longterm, peacemaking project." (Pages 47-48)
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"The bloody conflicts of the past decade have focused international attention on the strategic role of the media in promoting war and perpetuating chaos. Written against this backdrop, Forging Peace brings together case studies and legal analysis of the steps that the United Nations, NATO, and other
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organizations have taken to build pluralist and independent media in the wake of massive human rights violations. It examines current thinking on the legality of unilateral humanitarian intervention, and analyzes in graphic detail the pioneering use of information intervention techniques in conflict zones, ranging from full-scale bombardment and confiscation of transmitters to the establishment of new laws and regulatory regimes. With its focus on the role of media in preventing human rights violations, Forging Peace will influence policy and debate for years to come." (Publisher description)
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"Kurze Darstellung und "lessons learned" von 7 Fallbeispielen, v.a. Radiosendern. Der Autor stellt u.a. fest: "Medienprojekte werden von westlichen NGOs erst dann gestartet, wenn ein gewaltsamer Konflikt vorbei ist. Medienprojekte mit ausgesprochenem Präventionscharakter sind nahezu unbekannt, auch
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wenn sie dringend nötig wären" (Seite 39). Er empfiehlt u.a. eine "Revitalisierung" der früheren GTZ-Medienarbeit, denn diese stelle eine "gelungene und international renommierte Mischung aus professioneller Beratung bei der Institutionalisierung von demokratischen Mediensystemen und Sozialarbeit mittels Medien" (Seite 47) dar." (commbox)
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"This is an important and brave book. It is important because it is fresh, analytical and identifies the grave shortcomings in the handling of information and the media by the UN in conflicts and emergencies. It is brave because it is written by an insider who knows the deficiencies and wants organi
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sations like the UN to learn the lessons. Peacekeeping and Public Information neatly treads a fine line. It is restrained when perhaps direct accusations could be levelled. But that restraint is its value, because Ingrid Lehmann is identifying shortcomings, not apportioning blame. The failings of procedures - and the need to rebuild them - matter more than the failures of personalities, which undoubtedly there have been in UN Operations. Not just the UN can learn from this book. Also humanitarian organisations, the media, the military, diplomats - and most significantly the corporate world." (Nik Gowing, News Anchor and Analyst on Information in Conflict and Emergencies)
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"This yearbook compiles information on research findings on children and youth and media violence, as seen from the perspective of the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child. The thematic focus of the yearbook is on the influence of children's exposure to media violence. Section 1
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of the yearbook, "Children and Media on the UN and UNESCO Agendas," includes articles on the significance of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Section 2, "Children and Violence on the Screen: Research Articles," includes articles on U.S. television violence and children, the nature and context of violence on American television, and media violence in Japan, Australia, New Zealand, Israel, Europe, and Argentina. Section 3, "Children's Media Situation: Research Articles," contains articles describing children's media access and use in various parts of the world, including Asia, China, Australia, South Africa, and Belgium. Section 4, "Media in the World," provides statistics on children and the media worldwide. Section 5, "Children in the World," details demographic indicators for children worldwide. Section 6, "Children's Participation in the Media: Some Examples," describes examples of positive child participation in the media production process. Section 7 contains international declarations and resolutions regarding children and the media. Section 8 discusses regulations and measures as a basis for building television policy. A bibliography containing approximately 300 references on children and media violence published after 1970 completes the yearbook." (https://eric.ed.gov)
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"Communication for development programmes do not feature as a priority theme for most of the agencies, with the exception of UNESCO, UNICEF and FAO. UNICEF considers communication for development programmes as a priority. They have communication officers in almost all their field offices, most of th
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em with very substantial programmes. The most significant lacuna in the development machinery of the United Nations system is that the UNDP modalities of project execution do not provide scope for a communication dimension. There is, however, awareness and concern among United Nations agencies, universities, multilateral agencies and NGOs about the need for effective communication structures for attaining the desired objectives of development and humanitarian assistance programmes." (Executive summary, page v-vi)
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"Nicht nur Medienkonsumenten, auch Redakteure und Journalisten fanden sich während des Golfkrieges in einem Mediengefängnis wieder, in dem sich mensch vollkommen eingenebelt fühlte und nicht mehr wußte, "wo es lang ging". Während er den Krieg scheinbar live am Bildschirm miterleben konnte, muß
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te mensch die Erfahrung machen, daran ausgeliefert zu sein, trotz aller Versuche und Bemühungen, keine Informationen über die tatsächlichen Hintergründe und Ereignisse des Krieges zu erhalten. Dabei begann die Desinformationskampagne nicht erst mit Inkrafttreten der Zensurbestimmungen Mitte Januar 1991, sondern die US-Regierung hat bereits in Vorbereitung auf den Krieg maßgebliche Informationen durch Zensur und Propaganda entstellt. Nach Einschätzung von Philip Knightley diente das Nachrichtenmanagement am Golf hauptsächlich drei Zielen: dem Feind Informationen vorzuenthalten, Unterstützung für den Krieg zu schaffen und die öffentliche Meinung über die Bedeutung des Krieges grundlegend zu verändern. In der Bundesrepublik, die am Golfkrieg zwar militärisch nicht beteiligt war, die ihn aber zu einem erheblichen Teil mitfinanzierte, kam diesem letztgenannten Ziel besondere Bedeutung zu. Tonangebende Politiker und Publizisten nutzten den Krieg, um die Debatte über die Neubegründung der Bundeswehr und über den Krieg als Mittel der Politik in Gang zu setzen. Das vorliegende Buch ist der medienpsychologischen Analyse der bundesdeutschen Golfkriegsberichterstattung gewidmet und untersucht, wie diese Neubewertung des Krieges durch die Berichterstattung am Golf vorbereitet wurde und welche Auswirkungen dies auf die Medienkonsumenten hatte." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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