"After the Anglo-American invasion, the US neo-conservative administration established the Iraqi Governing Council in July 2003, which included 25 members selected for their ethnic and religious origins; it was the most obvious sign of the US political separatist strategy. As a result of the new pol
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itical reality, the Iraqi media was divided into ethno-sectarian lines, resulting from previous policies followed by the US administration. This article argues that the US media policy prior and after the US invasion of Iraq played a part in enhancing and encouraging the sectarian divisions in the Iraqi society. This was mainly done by sending biased media messages through the state-run Iraqi Media Network (IMN) and other US-aligned channels and allowing militant voices from different Iraqi sides to wage wars of words without interfering. In fact, the only time US officials interfered is when they were criticized by Iraqi media outlets. This study cites different US government reports, accounts from media practitioners who worked for IMN and other journalists that monitored the Iraqi media." (Abstract)
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"Bearing in mind the political and economic circumstances in the early stages of development of a democratic Macedonia, international donors played an important role in providing a vibrant media landscape including legal framework and relevant institutions. Donors in Macedonia engaged in a number of
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media assistance projects producing varying results, but mostly providing short-term improvements. The reasons behind the donors’ limited success can be explained through Berkowicz’s ‘transplant effect’. In particular, the reforms in the Macedonian media sector were conducted according to the model of the liberal media system, underestimating the potential dangers of the local context. In that light, the local context of high state politicization, strong business and political parallelism and ethnic segregation were to a great extent overlooked. In addition to the lack of understanding of the local context, there was an absence of a coherent donor assistance strategy. This has contributed towards the overall limited success of the assistance efforts. With several notable exceptions, most of the media assistance in Macedonia was of short and mid-term orientation, which finally resulted in short-term results." (Conclusion)
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"When violence broke out in the final days of 2007 after a bitterly contested election in Kenya, Internews responded within days, working with journalists who were trying and failing to make sense of the unprecedented post-election conflict that swept across their country. Five and a half years late
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r, Internews has completed the last of its hugely popular projects aimed at training the media in conflict sensitive journalism approaches since 2008. From Mission Possible (2008) and Reporting for Peace (2008-2009), through Land & Conflict Sensitive Journalism (2010-2013), Free and Fair Media (2011-2013), and Talk Check (2013), the organization trained some 750 journalists, using its conflict sensitive journalism and follow-up mentoring methodology geared to the Kenyan context. The result, more than 5,500 conflict-sensitive stories on the peace, reconciliation and reform process published over the years." (Introduction)
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"This report summarizes the findings of the learning group that was formed by the three grantees of USIP’s 2011 Communication for Peacebuilding priority grant program: Radio La Benevolencija in the Democratic Republic of Congo; Internews Network in the Central African Republic; and The World Polic
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y Institute in Kenya. The purpose of the learning group was to facilitate knowledge-sharing, mutual learning, joint dissemination, and collaboration. The group met from September 20-21, 2012, at Internews headquarters in Washington, DC to debrief and discuss their projects." (Executive summary)
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"Star Radio, one of Liberia’s leading nationally broadcast radio stations, went off-air at the end of 2010 following a staff strike. Started as an international project with funding from international donors, the station did not have the capacity to compete in a challenging market when donor fundi
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ng stopped; financial problems were what ultimately resulted in the staff grievances. Staff perceptions that the station’s management lacked independence, however, prolonged the stand-off, which proved impossible for the station to overcome. In uncovering these dynamcis and exploring Star’s role in the media landscape, this study highlights a number of important issues about media development in post-conflict countries. As a review of the current literature about media development reveals, the liberal democratic principles upon which media development was founded often lead to prioritizing support for both local and private media. In contexts of peacebuilding, however, both national and public service-style media may be of critical importance to the concurrent state-building and nationbuilding exercises. Using interviews to understand the issues that led to Star Radio’s closure, this study argues that it may be impossible for stations attempting to provide national public service to be either fully commercial or partially state-financed. In such cases, it is important for all actors to prioritize the value of public service-style media, rather than focusing on a debate between the value of the two business models: private- versus public-sector media. Delinking the concept of public service from public sector and embedding media development needs within broader national development strategies may allow media development and development actors to identify more creative approaches to supporting public service-style media." (Abstract)
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"A historical survey of the Iraqi media from its beginning up to the present day, focusing on the post-2003 media scene and the political and societal divisions that occurred in Iraq after US-led occupation. Investigates the nature of the media outlets and offers an analysis of the way Iraqi satelli
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te channels covered the 2010 general elections." (Publisher description)
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"Dialogue Through Film is a unique initiative bringing together young Armenians from Nagorny Karabakh and Azerbaijanis to make short films about the conflict that divides them. Over 30 young film-makers have taken part, and thousands of Armenians and Azeris have watched their films. This handbook of
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fers information, guidance and resources for you to organise your own screenings and discussions of a selection of these films. Our aim is to encourage and facilitate independent debate in Armenian and Azerbaijani societies about each other, the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, and the many challenging issues confronting Armenian-Azerbaijani reconciliation and the peaceful resolution of the conflict." (Foreword)
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"[...] Afghanistan is a fragile, fractured state and has one of the most fragile and fractured media, where almost anyone with sufficient funds and the opportunity to move quickly has been able to establish a media presence. This environment has enabled the flourishing of television, radio and other
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media established and owned by powerful political and religious leaders, or by those with allegiance to them. Some fear a future of increased ethnic, sectarian and factional strife being played out through the airwaves. Though there are some very successful commercial television channels, there is no independent and widely trusted national media capable of transcending or creating communication across the fracture points in Afghan society. Most media is either localised or seen as serving political, religious or other agendas. The future of the national broadcaster, RTA, still the only broadcaster with a truly national presence, is uncertain. While journalism as a whole has expanded greatly, investigative journalism remains limited. The sustainability of the newly established commercial media is widely questioned. With the total annual advertising market in the country estimated by some at little more than $20 million, there are real concerns that if donor support declines much of the media will wither or fall prey to factional, religious or extreme forces. There is no shortage of such forces. A number of media outlets already play upon ethnic and sectarian tensions. The Taliban, notorious when in power for shutting down media and banning video tape, have embraced the web and run one of the most effective media strategies in the country. In 2012, the mood music is one of compromise with the Taliban. Concern in the country is growing that new found media freedoms may be the price of that compromise. The role of donors in media support in Afghanistan is probably greater than in any other country at any other time. Such support is largely responsible for the development of a substantial media sector, but it faces criticism that it is poorly coordinated, short term and not informed by aid effectiveness principles; that it focuses too heavily on advancing the agendas of the donors; and that in some sectors it is distorting the media market in ways that create dependency and inhibit the development of genuinely sustainable Afghan media ventures." (Executive summary)
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"Afghanische Journalisten sind weit davon entfernt, unabhängig arbeiten zu können. Ihre Etats kommen aus dem Westen, aus Pakistan oder Iran. Die Kritik daran wächst." (Seite 22)
Presenting the challenges in meeting the information needs of the people of South Sudan, this report highlights a need for long-term and harmonised efforts to support media.
"This report addresses the challenges of supporting independent media in countries where media freedoms are restricted, based on country case studies in Bangladesh, Cambodia, South Sudan, Syria and Uganda. According to Myers, the dilemmas of foreign support include short-term donor strategies, the l
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ack of reliable local partners, the patchy evidence of the positive impact of past media support, the management of inflammatory media coverage and sometimes hate speech in countries that face inter-ethnic tensions or sectarian conflict. On the other hand, the publication also details strategies that have had some measure of success like foreign and UN broadcasting, training and advocacy from the outside, emphasizing neutral and 'public interest' topics when working from inside a country and supporting local rights organisations and media advocacy groups. The study concludes - among other factors - that media should be a key area of political economy analysis, that media assistance should be incorporated more explicitly within broader development systems, and that support should concentrate on media outlets and not just on individual journalists." (CAMECO Update 2-2012)
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"In spite of the multi-million international investment to establish democratic media in post-war Kosovo, media in the young republic continue to underperform. On the 2011/12 Press Freedom Index, Kosovo ranked on the 86th position worldwide. The article sheds a light on the reasons for this dilemma
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by assessing strategies, successes and failures of media development actors. For this purpose, two groups of stakeholders were identified and interviewed both quantitatively and qualitatively: international media assistance actors as well as local journalists, media owners and experts. The leading question of the study at hand is: How far did the international development strategy succeed in transforming Kosovar media towards greater plurality, commercialization, professionalization and de-politicization? The findings suggest that media assistance actors focused too little on economic sustainability (i.e. commercialization) or, if this was done, fragile economic and political conditions proved detrimental. Also, development actors have focused too long on ad-hoc training sessions as well as on supporting different competing media outlets, thus creating a congested market. In comparison, wherever media framework institutions were supported, the success was more clearly visible." (Abstract)
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"A wide array of media development practitioners, donors, international broadcasters, and methodologists, all with extensive experience working in media initiatives in conflict environments met in Caux, Switzerland, in December 2010, to establish the Caux Guiding Principles, whose full text is in th
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is report. Based on a careful appraisal of the current status of monitoring and evaluating media interventions in conflict countries, the Caux Principles outline measures that stakeholders can take to improve evaluation. The Caux Principles urge those working in media and conflict initiatives to take several concrete steps to improve evaluation. These include enabling better collaboration between donors and implementers, expanding financial support for evaluation, encouraging realistic and honest assessments of project successes and failures, designing flexible evaluation plans that are sensitive to changing conditions on the ground, and engaging with local researchers." (Abstract)
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"This report is the evaluation of the project “Strengthening Somali media capacity for democracy and human rights” implemented by the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), from September 2008 to August 2010. The project budget was US$180,000. The project aimed at strengthening the capaci
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ty of the Somali media to “implement the principles and practices of democracy and respect for human rights”, by providing professional training to Somali journalists across the country, focusing on ethics and good journalistic practices, and holding workshops on good governance and human rights." (Abstract)
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"A radio station for Somalis, by Somalis and about Somalis went on air on 1 March 2010. Radio Bar-Kulan ('meeting place' in Somali) uses FM, short wave, satellite and the internet to ensure that access is available to all who want it. The history of the station has its roots in peacekeeping. The suc
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cess of another radio service [Radio Okapi in DRC] helped convince the people with money that perhaps Somalia needed similar treatment. Bar-Kulan is still very much a work in progress. It was born out of need and developed through compromise. I am a director of the implementing agency for Bar-Kulan and I cannot overemphasize the importance of radio in a society that is in conflict and is overwhelmingly oral." (Introduction)
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