"En respuesta al riesgo que enfrentan tanto las emisoras comunitarias como otros medios de comunicación en todas las regiones del país, Colombia cuenta con un programa de protección a periodistas desde el año 2000. Luego de 19años, puede afirmarse que esta iniciativa ha contribuido considerable
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mente a la disminución de homicidios contra reporteros en el país. Sin embargo, el programa se limita a acciones reactivas, no promueve acciones preventivas para proteger a los reporteros y carece de un alcance integral que involucre a las diferentes entidades estatales —para lograr, entre otras cosas, sanciones judiciales a los agresores—. Este enfoque integral también implica que los medios de comunicación asuman un rol activo en la implementación de medidas preventivas para proteger a sus comunicadores. Considerando los problemas estructurales del actual programa de protección a periodistas, así como las situaciones de riesgo que enfrentan las emisoras comunitarias y sus reporteros, la Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa (FLIP) y la Red Cooperativa de Medios de Comunicación Comunitarios de Santander (Resander) han creado, con el apoyo de la Unión Europea, este manual de autoprotección, con el fin de que las emisoras comunitarias establezcan medidas preventivas para ejercer su labor informativa. El objetivo de este manual es que las radios comunitarias fortalezcan el trabajo a través de sus redes de comunicación, en aras de monitorear la situación de seguridad de sus comunicadores. Adicionalmente, en este producto se brindan algunas pautas para la elaboración de análisis de contexto y se presenta el ejemplo de los departamentos de Guaviare, Caquetá, Putumayo y Nariño. Finalmente, se hacen recomendaciones para la implementación de medidas de autoprotección antes del cubrimiento de temas de interés, durante el cubrimiento, antes de la emisión de información y al interior de la emisora. Teniendo en cuenta que no es posible anticiparse a todas las situaciones de riesgo, al final del documento se sugieren rutas de acción para enfrentar situaciones de riesgo inminente." (Página 6-7)
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"While using qualitative and quantitative techniques, this study analyzes the issues and challenges faced by the journalists while working in the areas going under military operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and FATA. Based on the hierarchy of influences model, a survey was conducted in Wazirista
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n, Swat and Peshawar. A total of 185 local journalists from Swat, North Waziristan and Peshawar are selected and interviewed. The research found various psychological and visible impacts on journalists reporting from conflict areas. They face challenges like governmental and organizational pressure, safety hazards and bars on freedom of access to news sources. Low perks and privileges, facilities to perform their professional duties and demanding standards for local journalists. The war journalists were dissatisfied with their professions and many were thinking to quit their jobs. In the qualitative technique of semi-structured interviews, the survey findings were supported and integrated with the large issues of media control and geo-strategic considerations." (Abstract)
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"This book focuses on the reporting of human rights in broadly defined times of conflict. It brings together scholarly and professional perspectives on the role of the media in constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in conflict and post-conflict environments, drawing on case studies fro
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m Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia. It also provides critical reflections on the challenges faced by journalists and explores the implications of constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in their day-to-day professional activities." (Publisher description)
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"This research paper is designed to examine the problems being faced by the journalists in two of the newly merged tribal districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Khyber District and Mohmand District). The researchers used survey method for data collection. A designed structured questionnaire from the respo
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ndents (110 journalists from both districts Khyber and Mohmand) working with different international, national and local print, electronic and online media organizations as a convenience sampling. The findings show that a majority of the tribal journalists had been feeling insecure due to possible threats to their lives mainly from the militants and the military. The study revealed relationship between security awareness and level of journalists’ experience and qualification. More experienced and qualified journalists were more aware of their security concerns as compared to less educated and less experienced journalists." (Abstract)
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"Many local journalists covering issues like corruption and organised crime can be considered human rights defenders (HRDs) exposed to high levels of violence and impunity. In this chapter, Mitchell examines what protection is available for such journalists via the dedicated international normative
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framework. She then explores the overlap between such journalists and the HRD concept, before outlining the international protection regime for HRDs and how it compares to the equivalent journalists’ system. Given the similarities between the security situations of such journalists and HRDs and the challenges faced by the regimes, she suggests there are ways international actors can better collaborate that could potentially lead to improved protection for both groups—albeit on a small scale in the absence of increased resources and political will." (Abstract)
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"Jagendra Singh hatte wieder und wieder über einen Minister der Regierung im Bundesstaat Uttar Pradesh berichtet, der in den illegalen Abbau von Sand involviert gewesen sein soll [...] Singh ist einer von weltweit mindestens 13 Journalisten, die seit 2009 mutmaßlich getötet wurden, nachdem sie ü
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ber Ressourcenausbeutung oder Umweltverschmutzung berichteten. Zahlreiche weitere wurden angegriffen, eingeschüchtert oder mit Klagen überzogen, um ihre Berichterstattung zu behindern. Die Organisation Forbidden Stories, ein internationaler Zusammenschluss investigativer Journalisten, hat deshalb das Projekt "Green blood" - grünes Blut - ins Leben gerufen. 40 Journalisten von 30 Medienorganisationen haben in den vergangenen Monaten zusammengearbeitet, um die Arbeit von Kollegen fortzuführen, die bei Recherchen über Umwelt- und Ressourcenausbeutung getötet oder beeinträchtigt wurden. Darunter Reporter von Guardian, Le Monde, El País und den deutschen Medien Süddeutsche Zeitung, WDR und Die Zeit. Forbidden Stories hatte bereits im vergangenen Jahr die Arbeit der ermordeten maltesischen Journalistin Daphne Caruana Galizia fortgeführt, um ein Signal zu setzen: Wer einzelne Reporter zum Schweigen bringen will, muss damit rechnen, dann einer Vielzahl von Reportern gegenüberzustehen. So kam es auch im Fall von Jagendra Singh und dem verdächtigen Minister Rammurti Singh Verma. Reporter von Forbidden Stories sprachen mit Hinterbliebenen, der einzigen Zeugin des Vorfalls, ehemaligen Kollegen und anderen Journalisten vor Ort. Sie erfuhren, dass Verma der Familie des verstorbenen Journalisten umgerechnet etwa 45 000 Dollar gezahlt hatte mit der Bedingung, dass sie auf weitere Anschuldigungen gegen ihn verzichten und die von der lokalen Polizei verbreitete Darstellung der Todesumstände akzeptieren würden: Singh habe Selbstmord begangen." (https://www.sueddeutsche.de)
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"The book provides an historical and theoretical context to risk culture and the work of war correspondents, paying particular attention to the changing nature of technology, organisational structures and the role of witnessing. The conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria are examined to highlight
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how risk and the calculations of risk vary according to the type of conflict. The focus is on the relationship between propaganda, censorship, the sourcing of information and the challenges of reporting war in the digital world. The authors then move on to discuss the arguments around risk in relation to gender and war reporting and the coverage of death on the battlefield." (Back cover)
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"This study aims to explore the working environment of Pakistani journalists in Islamabad by analyzing their opinion on media freedom and professional autonomy. It also aims to highlight the limitations and difficulties faced by these journalists while performing their professional duties. To achiev
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e these aims, focus groups and in-depth interviews of media professionals were conducted. The focus group consisted of seven experienced journalists whereas in-depth interviews involved five male and three female journalists of the same city for a comprehensive understanding of their viewpoints and true insight of their position. Results showed all the respondents (male and female) from Islamabad city were not satisfied with their working environment, safety, and security. Not only their salaries were found insufficient for their personal needs yet they were facing certain threats from various pressure groups. The study found that their employers did not provide the minimum required safety and security against these threats." (Abstract)
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"Mongolia has much work to do to ensure full media freedom. Laws on defamation and access to information hamper media’s ability to report fully on matters of public interest and public figures engaged in public business. A deeper understanding of international standards on media freedom and the va
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luable role media play in society are required for true progress to be made. The 2018 Joint Staff Working Document referred to the Human Rights Committee’s Concluding Observations on Mongolia’s 2017 sixth periodic report on ICCPR implementation. Taking this lead, the monitoring focused on the effective application of ICCPR provisions before domestic courts, broad legal restrictions on freedom of expression, and media freedom. The Government of Mongolia has made no positive developments until now. Particularly problematic is the fact that the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs plans to re-criminalize defamation in amendments to the Criminal Code. Mongolia lacks laws and policies important to guaranteeing media freedom, such as a general broadcast law including the recognition of community media, laws on media ownership transparency and concentration, and laws on the protection of sources. Numerous legal restrictions on the right to freedom of expression still exist, and many of these provisions are actively applied. The most serious are defamation laws, which are criminal, civil, and administrative in nature, and employed with great frequency against the media. There is no doubt that many media outlets engage in irresponsible reporting, but this cannot justify the current state of defamation laws in Mongolia." (Conclusion)
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"The 55-year long Colombian conflict with the FARC guerrilla movement ended in 2016 with the signing of a peace agreement, which resulted in a substantial reduction in the number of victims of socio-political violence. Paradoxically, this did not improve security for journalists, who were targeted:
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one was killed, another suffered sexual abuse, and 262 received threats. In a qualitative case study, we content analyzed 592 tweets in order to document how threats from a political powerholder contributed to the formation of networks engaging in verbal violence on Twitter. Results showed that attacks on freedom of the press originated from a legitimate actor, caused an extremely polarized discussion among citizens who took sides, and provoked further threats and accusations. Conciliatory positions were hard to find." (Abstract)
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"We present a classification of the types of censorship of media to frame the various issues that journalism and freedom of expression face in Mexico, which mainly include the role of the State in preventing or enforcing censorship, the monopoly of a few corporate groups that control most of the mas
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s media and dictate fixed editorial lines throughout all of them, the effect of violence on journalism and the issues that are emerging around the freedom of expression in social media." (Abstract)
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"Though news fixers are vital to the practice of international reporting-helping journalists to understand foreign languages, set up compelling interviews, and navigate unfamiliar terrain-their role is rarely made transparent to news audiences. Without news fixers, journalists would struggle to cove
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r stories that unfold outside their own countries. Yet, fixers are some of the most underprotected and undervalued employees in the foreign news industry. This book draws upon interviews with 75 news fixers from around the world, in hopes of learning more about fixers' own perspectives on their important work. Overwhelmingly, these news workers suggest that they play the precarious role of 'cultural mediator,' bridging the divides that might exist between foreign journalists and the people who live and work in the places the journalists cover. Fixers also suggest that they deserve more upward mobility in the field of international journalism, as well as more protection from the news organizations that depend so heavily on their work." (Publisher description)
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"Without a doubt, the combined power of the public arena and broadcast media is a very efective social tool for collective action in Afghanistan. Yet there are serious limits to both the media’s self-advocacy and the public’s strong and unwavering support. Te media-related crimes and murders men
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tioned in this chapter are a few of the many. Yet no arrests are made and no one is prosecuted in most of these cases. Zoorawarah can continue to censor media makers with impunity and without fears of retribution. Broadcasting the incidents of violence and censorship against media personnel and the media writ large, as well as the subsequent protests and production of investigative and expository programs is indeed generative in creating dialogue and raising awareness about media rights and the important role of a free media in a society, but it is clearly not enough. Tus far, we have seen examples of two types of potential cultural imperialism. By aggressively promoting and offering their own media products, programs, and formats, at little or no cost, the argument can be made that foreign countries are impeding the development of Afghanistan’s own media industry, artistry, and media crafts. Additionally, we have seen examples of censorship, both from endogenous and exogenous forces, ranging from pressuring the government to ban programming or directly pressuring producers to do so. In extreme cases, we have seen an egregious third form of censorship becoming prevalent in Afghanistan. High-level media personnel and wealthy media owners who are ofen prominent public fgures, such as politicians, warlords, drug lords, religious leaders, and businessmen, hire body guards and live behind gated fortress mansions, while low-level television personalities and reporters are subjected to threats, physical attacks, and death for providing people with programming they want to watch and which gives them a platform to raise their voices. Hence, it is the mid- and low-level media professionals, not the owners of the television stations they work for nor the foreign governments that are the patrons of the stations, who bear the ultimate burden of media freedom and reform in Afghanistan. Caught between warring ideologies that range from Islamist to commercial to “developmentalist,” as brave as these Afghan media personalities and journalists are, and despite their high media a profile, their low socioeconomic status leaves them vulnerable to abuse and possible death." (Conclusion, page 168-169)
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"As I am writing this, the United Nations has counted 68 journalists killed in the line of duty around the world in 2018 (UNESCO, 2018a). That is nothing unusual. From 2012 to 2016, 530 journalists died on the job - an average of two per week. Very few of these are accidental deaths. Some are killed
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in hostile frontlines, where the risks of working in a place with bits of metal flying through the air at supersonic speeds are self-evident. But many more are singled out, murdered specifically for their work. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reports that since it started counting the dead in 1992, it has found 1322 cases where the motive was clearly linked to the journalists' work. However, the CPJ's numbers are almost certainly an underestimate. It uses a very conservative definition of "journalist", excluding bloggers, citizen journalists, or support staff." (Abstract)
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"The Arab world was taken by surprise when mass protests erupted in Tunisia in December 2010, followed by mass protests in Egypt in January 2011. Much optimism was expressed towards a new era for journalism freedom in the Arab world, in Egypt specifically with the fall of Hosni Mubarak and the long
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reign of his authoritarian regime. The influx of private media, mainly TV channels, following his demise was remarkable. Seven years on from the Egyptian revolt, the state of journalism in Egypt has transferred from a state of hope to one of despair." (Abstract)
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"This article presents findings from investigations of acclaimed gender employment changes in Israeli journalism, focusing on two main questions: Is the feminisation process of Israeli journalism continuing? Is it improving women’s employment and occupational status? Data were gathered from two in
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ternational surveys that included Israel. The study found that while women are integrated in a variety of news areas, such as news presentation, and play a significant role in management, their roles and salaries are unequal to men. These findings shed light on gender (in)equality and identify some of the mechanisms that exclude Israeli women from the labour market." (Abstract)
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"Safety trainings (STs), also known as hazardous or hostile environment trainings, are evolving as a worldwide industry practice designed to keep journalists safe. However, little is known about the effectiveness of STs, particularly how men and women journalists respond to them. In order to better
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understand differences in ST needs and satisfaction among men and women journalists, 247 journalists completed a survey about their most recent experience with STs. Overall, all journalists reported high satisfaction with trainings. Nevertheless, statistically significant gender differences were found on measures of overall satisfaction (general rating and whether to recommend ST to a colleague), satisfaction with trainer knowledge and STs' sensitive and accurate coverage of gender and diversity related threats. Men reported higher satisfaction than women on all four measures. However, gender differences varied based on the regions in which journalists worked and the type of stories covered. Recommendations for future research and design of safety trainings are discussed." (Abstract)
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"While many reporters regularly experience online violence, women journalists are more likely than their male counterparts to be targeted for abusive comments and image focused, violently sexualised aggression. With such gendered violence having serious implications for media freedom, diversity and
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equity, as well as participation online, it is imperative that digital safety initiatives address the specificity and diversity of online attacks on women journalists and in ways that address the structural factors underpinning them – that is, going beyond an emphasis on individual responsibility. This paper analyses the gender-specific digital safety strategies proposed for women journalists by international anti-violence projects and how they address the responsibility for acting on gendered online attacks. It evaluates the emphasis safety training packages put on promotional, preventative, procedural, or prosecutorial measures and on individual, collective or networked and managerial approaches to these attacks. Drawing on a feminist “ethics of care”, the paper argues that gendered online violence needs to be tackled as a multilevel online governance issue rather than just a personal safety issue, with better support from peers, employers and legal and political institutions." (Abstract)
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"1,010 journalists have been killed in the last decade, according to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, with nine out of 10 cases remaining unresolved (Guterres, 2018). Imprisonments alone total more than three times the annual death toll, and the number of journalists in jail across the globe i
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n 2017 hit a new record (Beiser, 2017). Yet, while men represent the majority of those killed and detained, the percentage of women killed in the last five years has more than tripled from 4 per cent of total deaths in 2012, to 14 per cent in 2017 (UNESCO, 2018a). Reports by Reporters Sans Frontieres (2018) and the International Women's Media Association (Barton and Storm, 2016) tell us many more women have been attacked, detained or threatened." (Abstract)
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"This article examines some of the cultural differences between news ‘fixers’ and foreign reporters, focusing specifically on the expectations and experiences of the fixers, rather than the correspondents whose own perspectives have already been fruitfully explored. Drawing upon qualitative, sem
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i-structured interviews I conducted with 21 news fixers, I will answer three research questions: (1) How do fixers understand and value the work they do? (2) How do fixers view the cultural, ethnic, or racial differences that inevitably play into the professional relationships between local news staff and foreign news outlets? (3) How do these cultural differences impact the safety of foreign correspondents and fixers, most especially at sites of conflict? The study ultimately shows that fixers take issue with foreign journalists’ lack of background on the countries they visit and with journalists’ lack of attention to disparate cultural mores in the newsgathering process. Furthermore, the inattention to cultural difference in the field can endanger the lives of the foreign reporters as well as the lives of the fixers." (Abstract)
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