"Political and business elites in the countries that are the subject of this report have acquired control over a large number of public and private media, mostly through non-transparent privatization, advertising and/or budgetary support to loyal media. Consequently, media freedoms and freedom of ex
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pression in these countries are seriously impaired, as evidenced by the declining trend in the indexes of media sustainability and press freedom [...] Following the withdrawal of Western donors, some of the media known for professional reporting in the public interest are now under the direct control of ruling elites and large businesses. This also applies, unfortunately, for part of the legacy media from the 1990s. The role that Serbian B92 or BH Dani once played in these countries—offering research, independent analysis and a plurality of views—can now be found only in small alternative NGO media, Web portals, and investigative journalism centers. These are often under pressure from the government and rely mainly on foreign donors, primarily from the European Union and the United States [...] to reduce the influence of political elites, it is important to institutionalize a legal and transparent system of awarding funds to media from state budgets, establish clear rules of advertising by state institutions, and ensure transparency of media ownership. Since all these countries have EU membership aspirations, it would be of fundamental importance for the EU to insist on reforming the legal framework and on implementation of such reforms as key pre-conditions for creating the enabling climate for free and independent media." (Conclusions and recommendations)
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"[...] la présente brochure analyse le cadre juridique dans lequel s’inscrit la collaboration du pouvoir judiciaire avec les autres structures institutionnelles et non institutionnelles engagées dans le domaine de la liberté de la presse. Elle explique ensuite l’importance de l’information,
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d’une information indépendante et plurale dans le renforcement de la démocratie et dans la construction des Etats de droit. Examinons, dans un premier temps, le cadre juridique qui régit la liberté de la presse en RDC ainsi que la réforme qui est en cours pour réformer et adapter ledit cadre au contexte national." (Introduction, page 12)
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"Focusing largely on the period since retired general Thein Sein assumed the presidency in 2011, the report provides an in-depth analysis of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Processions Act, the Telecommunications Act, the News Media Law, the Electronic Transactions Act, and various Penal Code pro
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visions, among other laws. It draws from interviews with individuals facing charges, former political prisoners, journalists, students, activists, and members of civil society organizations. The new NLD-led government has taken strong first steps to release political prisoners and repeal abusive laws, but with Burma’s constitution giving the militarycontrol of the police, arrests under these abusive laws continue. Human Rights Watch calls on the government to drop all pending and new charges against peaceful critics and protesters and make it a priorityto dismantle the legal infrastructure of repression in Burma by amending or repealing all laws thatcriminalize peaceful expression and bringing them into line with international human rights standards." (Back cover)
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"This report details how the criminal law is used to limit peaceful expression in India. It documents examples of the ways in which vague or overbroad laws are used to stifle political dissent, harass journalists, restrict activities by nongovernmental organizations, arbitrarily block Internet sites
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or take down content, and target religious minorities and marginalized communities, such as Dalits. The report identifies laws that should be repealed or amended to bring them into line with international law and India’s treaty commitments. These laws have been misused, in many cases in defiance of Supreme Court rulings or advisories clarifying their scope. For example, in 1962, the Supreme Court ruled that speech or action constitutes sedition only if it incites or tends to incite disorder or violence. Yet various state governments continue to charge people with sedition even when that standard is not met. While India’s courts have generally protected freedom of expression, their record is uneven. Some lower courts continue to issue poorly reasoned, speech-limiting decisions, and the Supreme Court, while often a forceful defender of freedom of expression, has at times been inconsistent, leaving lower courts to choose which precedent to emphasize. This lack of consistency has contributed to an inconsistent terrain of free speech rights and left the door open to continued use of the law by local officials and interest groups to harass and intimidate unpopular and dissenting opinions." (Summary, page 2)
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"The three countries that this year experienced a decrease in overall score—Belarus, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan—were ones last year that had showed small but unexpected increases. Last year’s Executive Summary indicated that such increases were unlikely to be part of a larger upward trend; pan
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elists’ scores this year for all three ended up placing the three more or less where they stood in 2014. A similar phenomenon occurred this year with Tajikistan. Panelists there gave scores that increase the overall score in the country by 0.18 despite the fact that many serious threats to the media sector exist, including government pressure and harassment of critical voices, concentration of media control, poor quality reporting, and difficulty for independent media in raising revenue. Except for Objective 3, Plurality of News, all objectives received higher scores. Reading the chapter text, however, one does not get the impression that much positive is happening to improve the ability of Tajik media to serve as the Fourth Estate." (Executive summary)
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"A travers l'expérience de l'INRIC (Instance pour la Réforme de l'Information et de la Communication) en Tunisie, ce texte montre bien à la fois les défis et les difficultés auxquels sont confrontées les instances chargées de l'organisation du secteur des médias sur le continent africain. Co
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mment élaborer et imposer des critères clairs et objectifs pour attribuer les fréquences aux nouveaux opérateurs privés? Comment aider à la transformation des médias gouvernementaux en médias publics? Comment garantir les intérêts du public en imposant certains critères de professionnalisme aux médias locaux, mais aussi étrangers? Autant de questions qui se posent aujourd'hui en Tunisie, mais qui sont toujours d'actualité dans de nombreux pays d'Afrique subsaharienne où elles n'ont pas, jusqu'à présent, trouvé de réponse satisfaisante." (Introduction, page 9)
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"Two basic principles should prevail for media regulation in Cambodia: 1. Consistent application of the principles of the rule of law on the basis of the constitutional rights of freedom of speech and press (Art. 35 and 41: Cambodian Constitution). 2. Transparent and predictable regulative decision-
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making that is oriented towards professional journalistic standards." (Executive summary)
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"Since the Jasmine Revolution, a new constitutional and institutional framework has been put in place in Tunisia, laying the foundations for the liberalisation of the media. But this framework remains embryonic and the situation fragile, and there is an urgent need to address shortcomings in media g
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overnance." (Executive summary)
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"Palestine has fewer provisions for media legislation than any other country in the Southern Mediterranean region, and the occupation by and conflict with Israel represents an ongoing threat to press freedom and media development. Steps are being taken, though, that show how civil society might lead
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reform processes in the future." (Executive summary)
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"In accordance with the provisions of the new constitution, Morocco needs a new audio-visual law, guidelines on transparent management of the sector, an amended Press Code and a clearer definition of the responsibilities of various stakeholders." (Recommendations, page 20)
"Libya has no history of free and independent media, and this has not changed post-revolution. As it is therefore not possible to conduct a proper analysis of media legislation in the country, this report focuses on the subject in more general terms." (Executive summary)
"Although ostensibly free, the Lebanese media find themselves stifled by several legal, political, economic and cultural restrictions, which limit freedom of expression. This calls for an overhaul of the judiciary and electoral system, which must occur multilaterally." (Conclusions and recommendatio
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ns, page 32)
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"Legal changes are crucial to the development of a media capable of playing a democratic role in Jordan. This includes the lifting of licensing requirements, allowing full access to information and installing independent industry regulators." (Recommendations)
"Israel’s media laws guarantee freedom of information in all areas except those related to national security or military units – and the grey area lies in the interpretation of these laws." (Page 14)
"The legal framework for the changing media environment following the New Constitution still lacks the elements needed to protect the independence, transparency and accountability of the Egyptian media." (Introduction, page 5)
"La question de l'organisation du secteur des médias, à travers l'élaboration de cadres légaux et réglementaires adéquats, susceptibles de garantir le pluralisme et le respect d'un certain professionnalisme, conduit à se pencher sur les instances indépendantes de régulation de la communicat
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ion, qui sont au centre du texte proposé par Renaud de la Brosse. Au début des années 1990, ces instances sont apparues sur le continent, en particulier dans les pays francophones. Elles ont été mises en place à la fois pour répondre à des nécessités pratiques (l'octroi des fréquences dans le cadre des processus de libéralisation des ondes), politiques (la garantie de l'égal accès des forces politiques aux antennes des médias publics en période électorale) et démocratiques (l'imposition aux médias de missions de service public, en particulier pour ceux qui sont financés par les impôts du citoyen). Aujourd'hui, elles sont confrontées au défi de l'émergence des nouveaux médias, alors même que, bien souvent, elles ne sont pas encore parvenues à assurer leur indépendance vis-à-vis de l'exécutif et souffrent d'un manque de légitimité." (Introduction, page 8-9)
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