"Several UN peacekeeping operations communicate with the populations in their host state through radio, which remains the most popular medium in many countries. UN strategic communications via radio can help reduce violence against civilians, both during and after armed conflict. This protective eff
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ect of UN radio is evident even in areas where no UN military peacekeepers are deployed. There are four main ways that strategic communications by UN peacekeepers may reduce violence: (1) by building trust in the mission and enhancing cooperation with peacekeepers’ protection activities; (2) by filling gaps in reliable information that might otherwise be filled by misinformation that incites violence; (3) by fostering pro-peace behavioral change among ordinary civilians; and (4) by incentivizing rank-and-file combatants to exercise restraint.
There are many conditions that enhance the persuasiveness of UN strategic communications. Most crucially, messages are more effective when they are perceived as accurate and informative by local audiences. Moreover, narrative messages that are adapted to the local context can strengthen the persuasiveness of UN strategic communications. UN radio stations can leave a positive legacy for the protection of civilians even after peacekeeping operations have left if they transition into a local or regional media outlet. The radio stations that succeed UN radio stations once peacekeeping operations depart will be most likely to contribute to an information environment that protects rather than threatens civilians when NGOs guarantee their independence with continuous funding. Going forward, as the UN seeks to enhance strategic communications in peacekeeping operations, it must carefully manage several trade-offs. These include trade-offs between empowering civilians vs. exposing them to risk; ensuring that messaging is coherent vs. tailoring it to the local context; sustaining independent media vs. promoting national ownership; and expanding access to data vs. maintaining security and host-state consent." (Executive summary)
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"Based on qualitative and quantitative research conducted between May and August 2025, including interviews with journalists, media organisations, policymakers, and civil society activists, the report highlights how Sudan’s media environment has transformed into a “parallel battlefield” where
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information warfare runs alongside physical conflict. Key findings include:
- Collapse of traditional media: Print, radio, and television outlets have been decimated or repurposed as propaganda tools, with hundreds of journalists displaced or exiled.
- Rise of digital platforms: In the absence of reliable news, Sudanese citizens increasingly rely on social media, particularly Facebook, WhatsApp, and TikTok, for information, often encountering misinformation and hate speech.
- Weaponisation of media: Both the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have systematically targeted independent journalism, using harassment, detention, and surveillance to suppress dissent.
- Exclusion and fragmentation: Marginalised groups face significant barriers to accessing information, exacerbated by poor connectivity and digital divides.
- Emerging resilience: Despite the challenges, exiled media initiatives are working to counter hate speech and uphold professional standards, though sustainability remains a major concern.
The report calls for urgent international support across four key areas: protection of journalists, capacity building, institutional strengthening, and independent funding. Without immediate intervention, Sudan risks losing an entire generation of media professionals and the infrastructure essential for democratic recovery and peacebuilding." (https://internews.org)
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"Afghanistan als Ganzes wurde von mehreren sich gegenseitig bedingenden Phänomenen geprägt: Einerseits gab es sozialen Wandel und Demokratisierung, andererseits führte die starke Liberalisierung des Medienmarktes zu einer fragmentierten ethnischen Gruppenöffentlichkeit, die die Fragilität der s
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taatlichen Strukturen verstärkte. Einer der Anreize für den starken Medienboom und die Medienentwicklung in Afghanistan 2001–2021 war die Liberalisierungsstrategie nach dem Vorbild der Vereinigten Staaten. Aufgrund ihrer finanziellen Ressourcen und starken Investitionen im Medienbereich haben die US-Amerikaner ihr eigenes, sehr liberales Modell des Mediensystems auch in Afghanistan umgesetzt. Erstmals war es rechtlich möglich, dass jede Person, Organisation oder Partei ein eigenes Medium gründen konnte, sodass fast alle ethnischen und politischen Gruppen über eigene Medienangebote verfügten, teilweise sogar mehrfach. Insbesondere ehemalige Warlords drängten in den Mediensektor und investierten in eigene Medien. Die Liberalisierung des Mediensystems führte so zu einer starken Polarisierung und nicht zu Wachstum im Bereich professioneller Medienstrukturen. Der Anteil an professionellen Medienangeboten und -formaten blieb bis zum Ende der betrachteten Periode bis 2021 hin sehr gering. Der Mangel an (verstärkten) Professionalisierungsversuchen war vor allem darauf zurückzuführen, dass einige professionelle Medienformate klein blieben und hauptsächlich passive Berichterstattung betrieben wurde. Anstatt vor Ort zu recherchieren oder aktiv zu berichten, konzentrierten sich diese Formate darauf, Ereignisse im ganzen Land vor allem aus den großen Städten vom Studio aus zu kommentieren. Die Berichterstattung war oft polarisierend und sensationsheischend, mit dem Ziel, eine möglichst große Zuschauerschaft anzusprechen." (Seite 202-203)
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"This volume aims to deepen understanding of the dynamic intersections of war and media in the rapidly transforming media ecology and the reordered geopolitical context. The volume examines the ways in which the digital media and communication environment is involved in and shape the war in Ukraine.
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The chapters in the volume analyse expanding mesh of media-from mainstream broadcasting and press to social media platforms, and the latest digital technologies and addresses four key themes: media infrastructures and the interplay between platforms, technologies, institutions and civic actors; open-source intelligence contributing to (dis)information about the war; the everyday life of war performed and documented on social media; and different interplays between the local and the global in the news coverage of the war." (Publisher description)
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"Lebanon and Tunisia are two of the freest countries in the Middle East and North Africa, but elites in both countries seek to manipulate media organisations and individual journalists to shore up support for themselves and attack opponents. This book explores the political role of journalism in the
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se hybrid settings where democratic and authoritarian practices co-exist - a growing trend all over the world. Through interviews with journalists in different positions and analyses of key events in recent years, Journalism in the Grey Zone explains the tensions that media instrumentalisation creates in the news media and how journalists navigate conflicting pressures from powerholders and a marginalised populace. Despite 'capture' of the media by political and economic actors, journalism remains a powerful and occasionally disruptive force." (Publisher description)
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"This article presents and discusses data from two research methods on journalism in Afghanistan before the Taliban takeover of power in August 2021. News reports from the time of the intra-Afghan peace talks in September 2020 were analyzed using the Peace Journalism model. These were found to be pr
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edominantly War Journalism, leaving audiences cognitively primed for violent conflict responses and likely to overlook or fail to value peace initiatives. Interviews with 16 Afghan journalists revealed this pattern to be at odds with their aspirations and role perceptions. They wanted to report more in the style of Peace Journalism: revealing backgrounds and contexts; highlighting successes and achievements; giving a voice to all rival parties, and covering peace initiatives from whatever level. The constraints they identified, as impeding their preferred reporting approaches, were categorized using Reese and Shoemaker’s Hierarchy of Influences model. Some were attributed to the commercial competitive market structure of Afghan media under the internationally supported government, after an initial infusion of development aid was reduced. In any such intervention in future, it is argued, news can play a positive role in building a constituency for peace—but only if aid interventions ensure that media are not left to operate on a purely commercial basis." (Abstract)
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"We find that there is a will for reform from the civilian part of the government, the international community, independent media professionals, and a handful of Sudanese CSOs. However, pushing for a free media is a low priority for most of the population, who have more urgent survival and security
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needs. Furthermore, the military/Islamist wing of the transitional government seems to want to control, not free, the media." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"Freedom of speech and freedom of the press is generally attributed to an independent society where the basic rights of citizens are ensured. Balochistan, the western and resources rich province of Pakistan with its huge geopolitical importance has been under a strong wave of terrorism for the last
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two decades. This menace of terrorism has severely affected citizens of the province including media workers.
Design/Methodology/Approach: This research endeavor is an attempt to explore the impact of terrorism on the performance of media professionals in Balochistan. The study is based on the Hierarchy of Influence model which provides ground to explore the influence of terrorism. In this quantitative study, the researchers employing the systematic sampling technique have selected 50 media professionals out of 194 registered journalists of five press clubs: Quetta, Chaman, Noshki, Mastung, and Loralai.
Findings: The survey findings show that terrorism has badly affected the quality of their reporting. The study also reveals that objective journalism is hard to follow in the province by journalists as they are always threatened not only by terrorists but also by the law enforcement agencies to mold the reports in their favor.
Implications/Originality/Value The findings also indicate that terrorism has also affected journalists’ personal lives." (Abstract)
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"Following years of government shutdowns, social media has become both freer and more influential in Chadian politics – particularly since the country entered a political transition with the death of President Idriss Déby in April 2021. While it has democratised political participation, social me
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dia has also fuelled socio political tensions. Why does it matter? Chad’s transition has entered a sensitive phase. A government crackdown in October killed dozens of protesters, putting the country on edge. In the run-up to 2024 elections, social media can enhance access to politics by provid ing a forum for open debate, but it could also drive polarisation and violence. What should be done? The government should keep social media platforms free and open, while social media companies should improve monitoring and content moderation. With donor support, civil society should offer influencers training on refraining from online hate speech, incitement and disinformation, which influencers should apply. Donors should support local, professional, independent media." (Summary)
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"When conflicts emerge the media often become, intended or not, a key actor. It is through media that every party within a conflict attempts to convey its own narrative, contributing to a complex reality that affects journalists’ work in many different ways. This article aims to reflect on Bläsi
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s (2004) factors of influence on conflict coverage in the context of media development in Burkina Faso and the Central African Republic. Developed from a western standpoint on war reporters covering foreign conflicts, we propose to adapt this model to ‘local’ contexts in order to provide a more holistic analysis of journalism in conflict settings, but also to propose entry points for constructive coordination among multiple media development actors. In this article, we discuss the audience dimension, the pressure put through lobbies, the journalists’ personal features, the situation on-site, structural factors referring to the broader media and information system, and the political climate. We strive to offer a critique so as to adapt to the relevance of ‘local’ journalists living and reporting in conflict-affected areas, in which media development assistance often takes place, in opposition to international foreign correspondents that are deployed to cover far-away violent conflicts." (Abstract)
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"[...] While mass media, including TV or radio, have long been recognised as a key actor in the escalation of violent conflicts, the scale of dissemination and the degree of accountability of digital actors involved is different. Although the doctrine of information intervention initially evolved to
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address concerns around the role of mass media in conflict, it can provide inspiration for adjusting legal frameworks, and core foundational tenets such as the Responsibility to Protect, to address the risks coming from the spread of hate speech and disinformation to social media channels. Nevertheless, the peculiarities of social media require a different approach, and one that includes the responsibilities of social media companies and has at its core, accountable content moderation. Private companies like social media can be both tools of intervention and barriers to intervention. Therefore, Information Intervention Councils (IIC) could have a crucial role in increasing the degree of proceduralisation of information intervention and avoiding disproportionate interference with states’ sovereignty and human rights. There are some limits regarding the role of IIC with regard to participation of stakeholders, the complexity in dealing with escalation, and the effectiveness of its guidelines. However, the establishment of such a system, within regional or international bodies, would increase global awareness while providing a framework to address the spread of online hate and disinformation escalating offline harms including genocide and ethnic cleansing." (Conclusion)
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"Despite the significant impact of the media in transitional justice processes, this relationship remains underexplored. The role of the media in building narratives of conflict and past human rights violations was traditionally framed within the dichotomy of promoting peace vs inflicting war. Yet,
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these roles, as well as the media systems themselves, need to be placed within more complex frameworks. This article analyses some of the key themes that connect transitional justice (the right to truth, justice, reparations and guarantees of non-repetition) and the media. The primary conclusion is that we need to go beyond the role of the media as an observer, and frame it as a possible agent of the overall process of conflict transformation and transitional justice." (Abstract)
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"Fieldwork from across Afghanistan allowed Osman to record the voices of Afghan media producers and people from all sectors of society. In this moving work, Afghans offer their own seldom-heard views on the country's cultural progress and belief systems, their understandings of themselves, and the r
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ole of international interventions. Osman looks at the national and transnational impact of media companies like Tolo TV, Radio Television Afghanistan, and foreign media giants and funders like the British Broadcasting Corporation and USAID. By focusing on local cultural contestations, productions, and social movements, Television and the Afghan Culture Wars redirects the global dialogue about Afghanistan to Afghans and thereby challenges top-down narratives of humanitarian development." (Publisher description)
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"Investigating the root causes of the Syrian uprising of 2011, New Media and Revolution shows how acts of online resistance prepared the ground for better-organised street mobilisation. The book interprets the uprising not as the start of Syria’s social mobilisation but as a shift from online to o
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ffline contestation, and from localised and hidden practices of digital dissent to tangible mass street protests. Brownlee goes beyond the common dichotomy that frames new media as either a deus ex machina or a means of expression to demonstrate that, in Syria, media was a nontraditional institution that enabled resistance to digitally manifest and gestate below, within, and parallel to formal institutions of power. To refute the idea that the population of Syria was largely apathetic and apolitical prior to the uprising, Brownlee explains that social media and technology created camouflaged geographies and spaces where individuals could protest without being detected." (Publisher description)
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"The increased political capture of the Yemeni media since 2014 has reinforced diverging political discourses and has contributed to polarization across society and to political fragmentation. Content of newspapers, television and online platforms has further eroded journalistic standards through th
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e circulation of articles and news with biased angles, ungrounded “facts” and ethical disregard. Practitioners face steep chal- lenges in composing professional stories. Journalists are subject to harassment, intimidation, abduction and violence. The destruction of infrastructure, currency devaluation and delays in salary payment also inhibit media operations. Yet, journalists remain hopeful of the prospect of media reform and are eager to detail the prerequisites for proactive change. Encouraging the development of independent news outlets, independent funding and capacity-building activities could en- able the media to contribute to mutual understanding, de-escalation and the requirements for peace." (Executive summary)
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"The challenges faced by journalists and mass media in war torn countries are serious. The same could be said to be the case in Afghanistan. Though freedom of speech and of the mass media are among the on-going struggles of the Afghan people after the fall of the Taliban regime, it is worrying that
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the initial success against the Taliban or other new enemies not irreversible. Threats of violence against journalists and the mass media come from militant groups, politicians and government apparatus. The objective of this paper is to examine the security challenges involving the exercise of free of speech by journalists and the mass media in Afghanistan. The situation also requires the analysis provisions of the constitution and relevant legislation to see if they are equal to the threats. On the other side of the question, the paper also examines violations of the rights of journalists by the government machinery. This paper applies the doctrinal method wherein the research examines the laws of Afghanistan relating to the freedom of speech and freedom of the mass media. The quest of the paper among others is about the adequacy of the relevant provisions of the constitution and legislation. Lastly, the paper makes recommendations to improve the safety of journalists and the mass media." (Abstract)
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"The book includes an extensive section on the echoes of Rwanda, which looks at the cases of Darfur, the Central African Republic, Myanmar, and South Sudan, while the impact of social media as a new actor is examined through chapters on social media use by the Islamic State and in Syria and in other
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contexts across the developing world. It also looks at the aftermath of the genocide: the shifting narrative of the genocide itself, the evolving debate over the role and impact of hate media in Rwanda, the challenge of digitizing archival records of the genocide, and the fostering of free and independent media in atrocity's wake. The volume also probes how journalists themselves confront mass atrocity and examines the preventive function of media through the use of advanced digital technology as well as radio programming in the Lake Chad Basin and the Democratic Republic of Congo." (Publisher description)
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"This report assesses widespread claims that pan-Arab satellite news channels are responsible for inciting sectarian violence during the Arab uprisings. Based on an empirical study of how the most popular channels (Al-Jazeera Arabic and Al-Arabiya) and a competitive newcomer (Al-Mayadeen) have frame
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d seminal events involving violence between sects in Syria and Iraq, the report finds that while often geo-politically charged, some of these claims are valid. While abusive language and direct promotion of violence are rare in a mainstream context, incitement to sectarian violence has been invoked primarily through linguistic and thematic tropes that forge legitimacy claims and narratives of victimhood. The paper draws on these findings to make recommendations for UK policymaker engagement with the Arab media." (Abstract)
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"The findings of this research show that Syrians, regardless of the party in power in the area in which they reside, have a shared definition of independent media. They define it as “unbiased”, “not favouring any side”, and “credible”. Syrian audiences involved in the research emerge as
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astute consumers who expect that the media deliver balanced reporting. In addition, media are expected to play a positive and constructive role in society. According to the Syrians interviewed, this is particularly needed regarding conflict resolution and accountability of the political actors. Moreover, Syrian (both audiences and journalists) express a need not only for crisis-related news, but also stories related to everyday life. Syrian media professionals have a long way to go to fulfil the high expectations Syrians have. From the in-depth interviews it is apparent that currently Syrians are very critical – and even negative – about the role and content of media organisations." (Executive summary)
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"In their postwar, postindependence, and post-Soviet moments, why did two neighbors, Afghanistan and Tajikistan, who share cultural, linguistic, and historical similarities, take radically divergent paths in the development of their mass media, public sphere, and democracy? In this article, I argue
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against the popular sentiment that the reason for their striking post-9/11 disparities—namely Afghanistan’s relatively open and diverse media environment and Tajikistan’s repressive media regime—is that Afghanistan remains under the purview of influence and development aid of the United States and, conversely, Tajikistan is still under Russian control. Using case examples from my fieldwork in both countries, I demonstrate that the fact that Afghanistan is not unilaterally under the influence of U.S. aid is precisely why Afghanistan has not yet fallen down the slippery slope of commercialization, and its media world remains vibrant and viable, albeit fragile." (Abstract)
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