"How can current debates on ‘media capture’ be understood within the contexts of Africa and Latin America? This edited collection provides a nuanced exploration of media capture—a critical yet contested concept that examines and illuminates how media can become skewed in favour of power—whil
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e also highlighting spaces and strategies of resistance. By adopting a South-South perspective, it brings together scholars focused on these issues in both regions, featuring a dialogue between two leading scholars, Herman Wasserman and Silvio Waisbord in the Foreword. The book not only demonstrates how media practices in Africa and Latin America are influenced by the political economy of their media systems, but also contributes significantly to advancing empirical, theoretical, and comparative research on media in non-Western settings." (Publisher description)
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"In an examination of development issues appearing in the highest circulated mainstream English daily newspaper in Bangladesh— the Daily Star (DS)— this study discursively argues that this newspaper provided much less attention and even remained silent on development issues related to education
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and agriculture that are of close concern to underprivileged people. The newspaper's silence and inconsistent coverage sidelines social needs important to voiceless people. Their coverage pattern can be likened to snapshots that have no value in solving the issues. The newspaper's coverage favours the elite but dehumanizes and ignores the circumstances of underprivileged people. While problems of development need to be debated in the mass media; the DS would rather remain silent and engage in a social exclusion process that breaches the norms of development journalism. The disinterest has impacts, not only in sidelining development issues, but also in dehumanizing and excluding the circumstances of underprivileged people." (Abstract)
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"Los 63 editoriales analizados confirman que quiénes tienen la posibilidad de hacer uso de la palabra (Ranciere, 2014), a través de las vías institucionales, continúan siendo las élites. Si tuviéramos que contar la historia de lo ocurrido entre el 18 de octubre y hasta el 15 de noviembre del 2
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019, solamente a partir de lo señalado a través de estos textos del diario El Mercurio, lo primero que podríamos señalar es que quiénes emiten palabras son las élites, y quiénes son los destinatarios de dichas palabras transformadas en discursos, son también, mayoritariamente, las élites. En este dominio del discurso que se evidencia, monopolizan también los contenidos, pues aún cuando la macroestructura semántica mayoritaria que se aborda son “las causas del conflicto”, nunca son convocados quiénes manifiestan el malestar inicial. Los subalternos, es decir, la mayor parte de las personas que conforman la sociedad chilena, quedan fuera de esta suerte de intercambio, en tanto no tienen forma de acceder a él, pues no basta con leer estos editoriales, el punto radica en que el medio de comunicación estudiado no considera a los subalternos como su destinatario ni como fuente y, por lo tanto, el tratamiento de la información y la consecuente influencia que se busca generar no está dirigida a este grupo social mayoritario." (Conclusión, página 143-144)
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"'Listening in' analyses political voice and political listening against the backdrop of the media diversity debates. We focus on community media in Australia with its’ stated commitments to media diversity and to amplifying voices that are rarely heard in the mainstream. We ask to what extent the
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political voice enabled by community and alternative media is heard by decision-makers and opinion leaders in key democratic institutions of government and media." (Introduction, page 7)
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"O presente artigo visa investigar os usos políticos das concessões de rádio para titulares de mandatos eletivos após a redemocratização, tendo como eixo analítico o conceito de coronelismo e sua potencial renovação para o chamado “coronelismo eletrônico". Inicia-se a pesquisa analisando
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o conceito do “coronelismo” e as características do coronel desde a Primeira República brasileira. Em seguida, busca-se a compreensão do termo “coronelismo eletrônico” como um sistema de “barganha” política para manutenção dos poderes locais. Pretende-se discutir os possíveis efeitos dos meios de produção da comunicação sobre os processos eleitorais do Brasil. A presente pesquisa será apresentada com base em estudo descritivo-analítico, utilizando-se o método dedutivo, com investigação documental e bibliográfica em livros e artigos dos autores de referência, relatórios e decisões judiciais. Conclui-se que a distribuição de concessões de rádio reproduz, em grande medida, as práticas reconhecidas como parte de um modelo político coronelista." (Resumo)
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"This book explores in detail new protest organisation and mobilisation strategies of young activists in the digital age with the aim to identify the tactics that worked well against those creating high risks in the context of digitally supported protests. Focusing on Egyptian protests as well as pe
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aceful protests in Syria, the book offers rich and unique data as it brings together the experiences and voices of the key figures involved in the protests, both on the ground and online. It challenges perspectives that defined the Arab uprisings as leaderless movements formed through the non-hierarchical communication of digital technologies. The author presents three kinds of leaders that shape the political communication environment in digitally supported protests and highlights the significance of their leadership skills to the movements' capacities." (Publisher description)
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"This guide grows out of the research project “Evidence-based Science Communication with Policymakers” conducted by the four authors and sponsored by the National Academy of Sciences and the Rita Allen Foundation. In order to write these recommendations, we spent over a year studying science com
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munication with policymakers from several vantage points. We reviewed hundreds of scholarly works on the topic published in over a dozen fields as well as numerous practical guides written by scientific societies. We interviewed both Democratic and Republican Congressional policymakers, including 22 Members of Congress and 20 staff members." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The Gender Sensitive Public Communications Project was implemented by Search for Common Ground in Lebanon, together with its local partner Abaad, with an aim to promote women’s participation in politics through the production of gender sensitive television drama and short films. Specifically, the
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project was designed to increase the belief of television audiences in women’s political leadership capacity and to strengthen the capacity of television professionals to produce gender sensitive programs [...] A total of 416.033 viewers have watched two mini series that were aired on the Lebanese TV channel Al Jadeed. With an average minute rating of 5.35%, the performance of the project’s mini series is considered medium as compared to other popular TV series broadcasted on Al Jadeed. Close to 97% of the surveyed participants who have watched the two mini series and/or the four short films, stated that they felt the stories addressed real concerns and issues in the Lebanese society, and that the storylines were realistic. The evaluation findings suggest that the workshops conducted with the students were successful in strengthening the participants’ capacities to produce gender sensitive programs with an aim to promote the participation of women in politics. The workshops were able to increase their knowledge on specific topics, such as gender related legal matters, mapping of ideas and gender sensitive writing. More than half of the students who participated in the workshop, and who were interviewed during the evaluation, confirmed having gained knowledge on gender related topics, and all students who took part in the online survey answered that the workshop had increased their knowledge on producing gender sensitive programs “a lot." (Executive summary, page 5-6)
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"Este artículo presenta los resultados finales de la aplicación de un análisis de contenido a un corpus noticioso sobre asesinatos de líderes sociales en Colombia para medir y analizar su calidad periodística de acuerdo a los postulados del Valor Agregado Periodístico (VAP). El estudio se cent
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ró en el contenido de tres medios nativos digitales colombianos, La Silla Vacía, Razón Pública y Verdad Abierta, y contempló como período desde agosto de 2016 hasta agosto de 2017. Los resultados arrojaron que los tres medios de comunicación seleccionados hicieron una cobertura del fenómeno social de alta calidad de acuerdo a las cuatro variables de estudio seleccionadas." (Resumen)
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"This study has looked at the opinions of ordinary citizens (n=2000) as well as a small sample of decision makers at community level (n=200). Chapters 1 and 2 provide a background sketch and methodology for the survey, followed by a detailed overview of the findings for the general public and decisi
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on makers in Chapters 3 and 4. Overall, ordinary citizens and decision makers alike feel the Tanzania's media sector is growing and improving over time, and the sector is serving a news-hungry public that wants the media to keep those in positions of power accountable. However, this study also points to perceptions of shortcomings in the media, both in terms of the content it provides to the public and the quality of the services it provides." (Executive summary)
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"For more than half a century, North Korea’s leaders have relied on a domestic media monopoly to control what information North Koreans can access and how narratives around that information are presented. But the situation on the ground is changing, thanks in large part to North Koreans’ expandi
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ng access to unsanctioned foreign media and information sources. InterMedia’s A Quiet Opening: North Koreans in a Changing Media Environment documents this evolution based on research among recent North Korean defectors, refugees and travelers abroad. The project’s assessment of the current state of the media environment in North Korea suggests that substantial numbers of North Koreans are able to access various forms of foreign media. These include foreign TV and radio broadcasts, and particularly foreign DVDs brought into the country from China by cross-border traders and smugglers. Other vectors for information from abroad include smuggled mobile phones capable of receiving foreign signals, and the exchange of illicit foreign content on otherwise legal MP3/MP4 players and USB drives." (www.audiencescapes.org, June 18, 2012)
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"The study focused on the following themes: how and under what conditions are priority target groups for engagement with development policy issues in China, France, Germany, United Kingdom and the United States most likely to engage; what factors influence and motivate both engagement and policy dec
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ision-making by members of these target groups; through which communication channels can members of these groups be accessed most readily and with the greatest impact. The research included a total of 128 in-depth interviews with influentials and government decision-makers; surveys of 3,824 interested citizens, and focus group discussions with 160 interested citizens." (Summary of key findings, page 3)
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"This paper examines the relationship between parliamentary journalists and Spanish Members of Parliament. The study, based on surveys, is part of a European research in which Germany, Denmark and the United Kingdom have also participated. Among the key conclusions, it highlights the remarkable powe
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r of the media in politics and the sensationalism in political texts perceived by politicians. Concerning journalists, the majority felt that their professional work is driven by competition with other media and internal pressures, political and economic, coming from their own organization." (Abstract)
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"When political elites receive unfavorable news coverage, a common strategy is to attack the source. Past research suggests that attacks on the news media increase perceptions of media bias, but it remains unclear how this occurs. Using two experiments, the author examines how attacks on the news me
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dia increase perceptions of bias. For the experiments, all participants read news articles about elected officials, but some read an attack on the source. The author also manipulated the direction of the attack (liberal or conservative bias) and its placement before or after the article. The results suggest that elite attacks increase perceptions of bias in the news source, and this occurs even when the attack is read following the article. In addition, attacks were effective when they came from politicians in both parties, suggesting that Republicans and Democrats are able to influence perceptions of bias. In conclusion, the author argues that elite attacks are likely to benefit the attackers but weaken democratic accountability." (Abstract)
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"InterMedia conducted in-depth interviews with 15 senior Ghanaian policy actors, comprising mostly senior politicians and bureaucrats, as well as a few influential figures outside government. The interviews focused on how the policy actors gather, assess, share and disseminate information critical t
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o development policy work. The aim was to understand how external stakeholders, particularly members of the international development community, can most effectively engage and assist these policymakers. The policy actors showed substantial overlap in information source preferences and media use habits, as well as in the ways they share information with fellow policy actors. They highlighted several actions that development organizations could take to improve the policy information environment. They also described many challenges in communicating with the public about development issues, as well as offering some creative solutions." (Report summary, page 7)
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"InterMedia conducted in-depth interviews with senior Kenyan government officials and policy influencers outside government (collectively referred to in this report as policy actors), to find out how they gather, assess, share and disseminate information critical to development policy work. The aim
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was to understand how external stakeholders, particularly members of the international development community, can most effectively engage and assist these policy actors. The 15 interviewees described several measures that development organizations can take to improve the policy information environment. They also mentioned several challenges in communicating with the public about development issues but also suggested some creative solutions." (Summary)
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