"Aziza Bangwene [écrit] sur différents projets développés par l'Institut Panos Paris dans la perspective de la consolidation de la paix dans la région: elle présente en particulier le projet OGL Ondes des Grands Lacs, mis en oeuvre entre 2009 et 2013, et dont l'objectif principal était d'amen
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er les journalistes originaires des trois pays à abandonner leurs préjugés et leur perspective tronquée sur les réalités des pays voisins, et à s'ouvrir à d'autres points de vue sur la crise régionale. Elle souligne les acquis de ce programme, mais relève aussi un certain nombre de questions qui subsistent au terme de sa mise en oeuvre." (Introduction, page 10)
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"L'utilisation des technologies de l'information dans des projets innovants a été largement encouragée dans le cadre de divers projets d'appuis aux médias de la région des Grands Lacs. Cyprien Ndikumana présente un certain nombre d'initiatives mises en place, depuis 10 ans, pour amener les jou
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rnalistes du Burundi, du Rwanda et du Congo, à apporter une contribution positive à l'édification d'une paix durable. Il détaille quelques-uns de ces projets, mais s'attarde aussi sur les interrogations qu'ils engendrent en termes de durabilité et d'appropriation." (Introduction, page 10)
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"L'article examine en particulier la relation entre les radios dites communautaires et la gouvernance locale. Se fondant sur l'exemple du Sénégal, elle montre comment la décentralisation politique et administrative d'une part et l'émergence des radios locales d'autre part ont été deux dynamiqu
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es concomitantes et intimement liées. Elle souligne combien certaines radios peuvent effectivement contribuer à améliorer la gestion de la chose publique au niveau local, mais relève aussi le caractère relativement isolé de ces bonnes pratiques." (Introduction, page 8)
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"La question de l'organisation du secteur des médias, à travers l'élaboration de cadres légaux et réglementaires adéquats, susceptibles de garantir le pluralisme et le respect d'un certain professionnalisme, conduit à se pencher sur les instances indépendantes de régulation de la communicat
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ion, qui sont au centre du texte proposé par Renaud de la Brosse. Au début des années 1990, ces instances sont apparues sur le continent, en particulier dans les pays francophones. Elles ont été mises en place à la fois pour répondre à des nécessités pratiques (l'octroi des fréquences dans le cadre des processus de libéralisation des ondes), politiques (la garantie de l'égal accès des forces politiques aux antennes des médias publics en période électorale) et démocratiques (l'imposition aux médias de missions de service public, en particulier pour ceux qui sont financés par les impôts du citoyen). Aujourd'hui, elles sont confrontées au défi de l'émergence des nouveaux médias, alors même que, bien souvent, elles ne sont pas encore parvenues à assurer leur indépendance vis-à-vis de l'exécutif et souffrent d'un manque de légitimité." (Introduction, page 8-9)
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"[...] François Pascal Mbumba [écrit] sur la situation de ces médias particuliers en République démocratique du Congo, un pays qui se distingue par le caractère foisonnant de son secteur radiophonique qui compte actuellement plus de 500 stations. Les radios communautaires congolaises évoluent
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dans un contexte sous-réglementé, où leur spécificité n'est pas reconnue et où nombre d'entre elles se revendiquent communautaires tout en appartenant à des personnalités politiques ou religieuses. Alors qu'un certain nombre commettent des dérives, attribuées parfois au manque de professionnalisme journalistique de leurs animateurs, l'expérience de ces radios révèle aussi l'absence d'une définition claire du journaliste et de son activité dans l'environnement médiatique congolais." (Introduction, page 8)
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"This book analyses the use of communication in resolving conflicts, with a focus on de-escalation and processes of peacebuilding and peace formation. From the employment of hate radio in the Rwanda genocide, to the current conflict between Russia and the Ukraine following events in the Crimea, comm
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unication and the media are widely recognized as powerful tools in conflicts and war. Although there has been significant academic attention on the relationship between the media, conflict and war, academic efforts to understand this relationship have tended to focus primarily on the links between communication and conflict, rather than on communication and peace. In order to make sense of peace it is essential to look at communication in its many facets, mediated or not. This is true within many of the diverse strands that make up the field of communication and peace, but it is also true in the sense that a holistic and interdisciplinary approach is missing from the literature. This book addresses this widely acknowledged lacuna by providing an interdisciplinary perspective on the field, bringing together relevant, but so far largely isolated, streams of research. In doing so, it aims to provide a platform for further reflection of the meaning of, and requirements for, peace in our contemporary world with a focus on de-escalation, conflict transformation, reconciliation and processes of peacebuilding - as opposed to conflict escalation or crisis intervention." (Publisher description)
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"Premier jalon de ce programme, cette étude, réalisée pour le compte de l’IPGL et de l’ABR par une équipe de 6 consultants locaux et internationaux, dresse un état des lieux du paysage médiatique des trois zones concernées. Il met en évidence des différences majeures entre les trois esp
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aces : déficit important de régulation du secteur au Sud-Kivu (avec de nombreux acteurs audiovisuels souvent politisés qui fonctionnent, pour la plupart, dans une grande précarité et une absence de contrôle).; espace étroitement contrôlé au Rwanda où se conjuguent le poids d’un régime fort, l’importance de l’autocensure, des problèmes éthiques et un certain dynamisme économique; bon niveau de professionnalisme et forte conscience d’utilité sociale des acteurs médiatiques du Burundi, par ailleurs très tributaires de l’appui international. L’étude permet de dégager une vingtaine de chantiers prioritaires ou axes stratégiques par rapport aux trois objectifs spécifiques formulés par la DDC. Pour l’OS1.: la formation des ressources humaines, le respect de la déontologie, les dispositifs de suivi des contenus médiatiques, l’autorégulation, la durabilité des entreprises, le renforcement des capacités techniques, le financement structurel des médias. Pour l’OS2 : la pratique du journalisme d’investigation, l’accès à l’information, la couverture des événements hors de la capitale, la prise en compte de la contribution du public par les médias, la mise en réseau des entreprises médiatiques, l’information régionale, la préparation de la couverture des élections. Pour l’OS3 : la connaissance insuffisante des textes légaux et réglementaires, la réforme du cadre légal, la professionnalisation des instances de régulation, les dispositifs de dialogue et de concertation réguliers entre autorités publiques et médias." (Résumé, page 3)
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"Every year, several international organizations monitoring press freedom worldwide issue reports in which they underline the occupational hazards faced by journalists while reporting. Some African countries, such as Eritrea, Sudan, Somalia or Equatorial Guinea, have been regularly pinpointed at the
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bottom of these annual rankings. A few others (Cap Vert, Namibia, Niger, Ghana, South Africa) are crawling among the top 50 countries in the world. How do the indicators used by those organizations reveal a specific understanding of the professional practices and of the risks associated with it? Are they relevant to the reality of the daily practice of journalism on the African continent? Has this image led to particular measures aimed at preventing or self-regulating potential abuses in view of the risks incurred? Are there other ‘high-risk’ areas of the professional practice that these indicators fail to cover, and why? Starting from a reflection on the criteria used internationally to assess press freedom, and on the ‘risks’ associated with the profession, this article tries to show that the threats upon media professionals on the African continent are much more complex than those rankings and their indicators would suggest." (Abstract)
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"As an introduction to this special issue this article deals firstly with defining and clarifying terms and concepts which are used in the context of international media assistance. Secondly, the themes of the different articles in this collection are enumerated: these are broadly the how to of medi
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a assistance, evaluation and the ongoing debate about proving impact of media assistance project; negotiating the tensions between the state and the media and finally, the fundamental question of why and to what purpose is assistance to the media sector given in the first place." (Abstract)
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"In this report, Marie-Soleil Frère surveys the news landscapes of DRC, Burundi, and Rwanda. Marshaling an impressive range of data, she examin
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es patterns of production and consumption, the often grim realities of law and regulation, the embryonic state of media policy, the role of donors, and the positive impact of online platforms. Most media outlets now have an online presence. SMS has become a basic tool for reporters. Interactivity gives voice to increasing numbers of listeners. The ease of digital archiving makes it possible to create a collective media “memory” for the first time. Chinese businesses are winning tenders for infrastructure projects. Above all, the unstoppable flow of digitized information enables ever more people to learn about current events and available services. “The average news consumer in Central Africa will soon leap to new opportunities,” Frère predicts, “without having to pass through the intermediate stages of a personal computer and a fixed telephone line.” The report ends with a set of practical recommendations relating to infrastructure, strategies to reduce access costs for journalists and the public, education and professionalization, donor activity, governance, regulation, and media management." (Page 2)
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"Today, the DRC tops the African charts in the number of registered media outlets, be they print media, radio or television. In 2008, 638 publications were registered country-wide; there were 341 radio stations and 82 television stations, although TV is still an essentially urban phenomenon, given t
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he lack of access to electricity. Despite this hugely diverse media landscape, citizens in the provinces are often deprived of access to information, as the media are most concentrated in the capital city, Kinshasa. Congolese media outlets are characterized by poor content, a severe shortage of material and technical capacity, and significant sustainability problems. Journalists work in an unsafe environment, lack regular salaries and protection, and regularly struggle with threats to press freedom. The legal and regulatory framework does not provide sufficient guarantees and basic regulations to ensure that media outlets abandon their “informal” practices. The advertising market is still undeveloped and disorganized, providing little financial backing to media companies. The supposedly “public” broadcaster is the mouthpiece of the government, and the only “public service broadcaster” is Radio Okapi, a UN-based station. In such an unfavorable context, the involvement of donors has become increasingly important over the last 20 years. The reasons why donors have intervened and continue to support the media sector are tied to the country’s political situation. The media have thus been supported for a variety of reasons: from 1990 to 1997: to encourage new democratic media freedoms; from 2000 to 2004: to promote a return to peace and reconstruction during negotiations to solve the conflict; from 2004 to 2007: to enable the media to play their part during the electoral process, as the first democratic elections during the last 40 years took place in 2006; from 2007 to 2011: to establish a solid and responsible press likely to take part in the consolidation of democracy. Reaching $80 million over the past ten years, media support by donors and operators has varied, essentially covering five types of activities: the creation of “neutral” and “apolitical” media and content (a recurring strategy in post-conflict countries); direct support (funds or equipment) for a number of outlets; media staff training; strengthening of the sector’s professional organizations and associations; consolidation of public institutions to organize the sector (including regulation and legal reform). Each of these types of interventions has generated both positive impacts and negative effects on individual journalists, newsrooms, media outlets and local organizations in the media sector. Beneficiaries, donors, and INGOs have all advanced their own critiques regarding the ways in which media support initiatives have been designed, implemented and assessed so far. They also make suggestions about how to improve media support in the future, to make it more consistent with the needs of the local Congolese media." (Executive summary, page 6-7
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"A dual journal project was launched in 2010 to build bridges between French and English media research spheres through the translation and reciprocal publication of a series of essays from each linguistic sphere. In 2012, a special issue of Afrique contemporaine (‘Les Afriques médiatiques’) wa
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s published, with six essays in French by authors working on media from the English-language zone. The present issue of Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, volume 33 issue 3, makes articles originating from French-speaking sub-Saharan Africa available to English-speaking readers in translated form. This introduction sketches the background to the project." (Abstract)
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"After independence since the 1960s, the legacies and traditions in the field of media policy led African countries from the three distinct European linguistic spheres (French, English and Portuguese) to draw on the institutional models in use by the former colonial powers. Media policy is a fundame
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ntal issue for democratic consolidation, and one that has received different responses in the French - and English-speaking African public spheres. This article examines the current situation of media regulation authorities in French-speaking sub-Saharan Africa. It outlines the mission of these institutions and identifies the problems they face as they concretise the dialectic between freedom and public control in the media landscape." (Abstract)
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"This paper attempts to show the many challenges faced by the media while covering post-Conflict electoral processes. In a context of great political tension, in which candidates are often former belligerents who have just put down their guns to go to the polls, the media operate in an unsafe and ec
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onomically damaged environment, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, inadequate equipment and untrained staff. Given those constraints, one might wonder if the media should be considered actual democratic tools in Central Africa or just gimmicks in a “peace-building kit” (including “free and fair” elections, multipartism and freedom of the press) with no real impact on the democratic commitment of the elite or the political participation of the population." (Abstract)
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"In democracies with adjectives, the freedom of press also comes with adjectives." If the political regime is situated between a pure democracy and despotism, the freedom of press is also stuck in an in-between-situation. This statement sums up the results of
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Marie Soleil Frères empirical analysis of the role of media in reporting the election processes in six central African countries (Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo, DRC, Rwanda and Chad) with a long history of violent conflict. By carving out nine major obstacles of the role of media in these elections from the role of the parties' campaign strategies to the dangerous liaison between media and politics, the book describes how and why their role became problematic, and different from the democracy tool kit of international donors. This may not be a new subject, and most of the findings are familiar to readers with an interest in African media. But the empirical rigor and the in-depth analysis of the cases makes the book a good read and a starting point for a new debate on media support in African election processes." (commbox)
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"Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa examines the role that popular media could play to encourage political debate, provide information for development, or critique the very definitions of 'democracy' and 'development'. Drawing on diverse case studies from various regions of the Afric
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an continent, essays employ a range of theoretical and methodological approaches to ask critical questions about the potential of popular media to contribute to democratic culture, provide sites of resistance, or, conversely, act as agents for the spread of Americanized entertainment culture to the detriment of local traditions. A wide variety of media formats and platforms are discussed, ranging from radio and television to the Internet, mobile phones, street posters, film and music." (Publisher description)
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"Recent elections show that despite the apparent diversity of newspapers and broadcasters, political and economic constraints, as well as restricted access to information prevent the development of independent media in Sub-Saharan Africa that can play a part in enlightening citizens", says the autho
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r of this policy brief, and concludes: "Donors must pay more attention to local needs and search for ways to strengthen a pluralist media landscape independent of political parties, governments and the international community. Only such a pluralist landscape will enable the media to contribute to realistic opportunities for democratic power alternations rather than allowing an unbalanced electoral game devoted to maintaining the tenure of the same dominant party." (Page 4)
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