"There are five key reasons why China encounters problems in trying to manage the global conversation. First, the power and scope of conversation is not under China's control, but rather resides in the audience [...] Second, the audience's image of China is conditioned by the politics of the country
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: the authoritarian politicalsystem, a flaccid approach to human rights, the rise of an aggressive style of nationalism, the treatment of dissidents [...] The third problem in China's strategy follows the second. China's public diplomacy activities strain to achieve credibility [...] Fourth, the public diplomacy architecture, with the international broadcasters securely embedded within the political system, reinforces popular suspicion that the Chinese are engaged in state-sponsored propaganda [...] Fifth, China's international broadcasters are considered by the leadership as a remedy for the apparent defects in the global flow of information. Moreover, at the heart of cultural imperialism lies a belief that power over the global flow of news and information translates into strategic and political power. However, the continued relevance of this theory is open to disucssion ..." (Conclusions, page 471-472)
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"For over a thousand years, Chinese journalism was dominated by the official gazette called DiBao (Peking Gazette). This organ of the imperial state comprised edicts, news of government appointments and court affairs, and served a small privileged readership. It was not until 1815 that what could be
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considered the first modern periodical (though not strictly speaking a Chinese publication) was to appear in China. This was the work of two British missionaries, Robert Morrison and William Milne, and it marked the beginnings of a process, spanning the nineteenth century, in which a group of predominantly British and American Protestant missionaries pursued a strategy of evangelism centred on the development of journalism, publishing and printing enterprises in China. This chapter aims to provide a short outline of this process and some reflections on its wider cultural consequences." (Page 67)
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"This chapter employs the cyberconflict perspective (Karatzogianni 2006, 2009, 2010, 2012a: 52-73, 2012b: 221-46; Karatzogianni and Robinson 2010) to offer an in-depth analysis of Chinese dissidents in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) focusing particularly on the 2000s. A distinction is drawn
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between socio-political (or active) social movement uses of the internet – which focus on organisation, mobilisation and the networked form of the medium itself – and ethno-religious (or reactive) social movement uses, which subordinate the medium to vertical logics. These are often expressed in terms of ad hoc mobilisations and tit-for-tat defacements and cyberattacks adhering to closed and fixed identities, such as nationality, religion and ethnicity." (Page 217)
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"In general, the internationalisation of China's television in the past several decades can be divided into four intertwined paths. The first is importing media and cultural products from other countries, which initiated the exchange of China's television with the outside world, and so far is still
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popularly employed by all levels of Chinese television units. The second is coproducing television products with foreign media. The third is exporting television dramas to other countries; and the fourth, which demonstrates the new trend of internationalsiationof China's television, is an aggressive strategy of expanding China's media outlets and their informational and cultural products abroad." (Page 427)
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"This volume brings together scholars from different disciplines and nations to examine and assess the effectiveness of China's soft power initiatives in Africa. It throws light not only on China's engagement with Africa but also on how China's increasing influence is received in the African media."
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(Publisher description)
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"The study of Chinese media is a field that is growing and evolving at an exponential rate. Not only are the Chinese media a fascinating subject for analysis in their own right, but they also offer scholars and students a window to observe multi-directional flows of information, culture and communic
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ations within the contexts of globalization and regionalization. Moreover, the study of Chinese media provides an invaluable opportunity to test and refine the variety of communications theories that researchers have used to describe, analyse, compare and contrast systems of communications." (Publisher description)
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"The Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy provides a comprehensive overview of public diplomacy and national image and perception management, from the efforts to foster pro-West sentiment during the Cold War to the post-9/11 campaign to "win the hearts and minds" of the Muslim world. Editors Nancy
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Snow and Philip Taylor present materials on public diplomacy trends in public opinion and cultural diplomacy as well as topical policy issues. The latest research in public relations, credibility, soft power, advertising, and marketing is included and institutional processes and players are identified and analyzed. While the field is dominated by American and British research and developments, the book also includes international research and comparative perspectives from other countries." (Publisher description)
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"Radio Diplomacy and Propaganda investigates the role of international radio broadcasting in diplomacy during the Cold War period and, in particular, the contribution of the BBC and the Voice of America in the construction and projection of foreign policy, together with their role in the disseminati
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on of international propaganda. In addition the radio broadcasts which were monitored in Britain and the US are scrutinized to ascertain how they contributed to the formulation of foreign policy objectives and reactionary propaganda." (Publisher description)
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