"Adolescents in Mexico experience high pregnancy and birth rates. A collaboration with Grupo Televisa led to the development of an entertainment-education telenovela intervention, Overcome the Fear (OTF), which aired in 2020 to a national audience and addressed adolescent sexual and reproductive hea
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lth (SRH) topics. This study details the development and evaluation of OTF’s impact on adolescent contraceptive practices and parent-adolescent SRH communication in Mexico" [...] Conclusions: This study suggests that viewership of a high-quality entertainment-education telenovela informed by extensive formative research is related to adolescent health outcomes and to parent-adolescent SRH communication on a country-wide scale in Mexico. Entertainment-education remains an underutilized public health strategy, despite its promise to engage viewers and motivate healthful behaviors." (Abstract)
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"Journalists in Mexico and Argentina are working hard to revolutionise the way women are represented in the news media but the media industry itself needs to look at how it treats women in the newsroom. Monica Cole interviewed 15 journalists to chronicle the ways representation is changing, and the
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challenges faced by those leading the charge." (Page 1)
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"Es un documento de análisis desarrollado por las organizaciones que integran el Espacio_OSC resultado de encuentros con personas defensoras de derechos humanos y periodistas realizados en Oaxaca y la Ciudad de México, con el objetivo de abonar a la generación de una política pública integral.
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El documento establece cuatro ejes estratégicos para que el Estado garantice el derecho a defender los derechos humanos y a la libertad de expresión: prevención, protección, investigación, reparación y garantías de no repetición, acciones prioritarias el tránsito a un nuevo modelo de política pública." (https://espacio.osc.mx)
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"El presente ensayo que usted tiene entre sus manos trata sobre las consideraciones y desafíos entorno a la agenda de la privacidad y protección de datos personales en las redes sociales digitales. El autor hace mención reiteradamente sobre las implicaciones que tiene en el ámbito legal; pero si
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empre poniendo en el centro la discusión sobre los usuarios de las redes sociales, lo que implica hacer efectivas las medidas necesarias para proteger la privacidad, así como el uso apropiado y proporcional de sus datos personales, los cuales, no pueden quedarse en el vacio, apelando a su vez por el uso racional y proporcional de los datos en los medios digitales." (Presentación, página 9)
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"Trust in the news has fallen in almost half the countries in our survey, and risen in just seven, partly reversing the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, around four in ten of our total sample (42%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the countr
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y with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while news trust in the USA has fallen by a further three percentage points and remains the lowest (26%) in our survey.
• Consumption of traditional media, such as TV and print, declined further in the last year in almost all markets (pre-Ukraine invasion), with online and social consumption not making up the gap. While the majority remain very engaged, others are turning away from the news media and in some cases disconnecting from news altogether. Interest in news has fallen sharply across markets, from 63% in 2017 to 51% in 2022.
• Meanwhile, the proportion of news consumers who say they avoid news, often or sometimes, has increased sharply across countries. This type of selective avoidance has doubled in both Brazil (54%) and the UK (46%) over the last five years, with many respondents saying news has a negative effect on their mood. A significant proportion of younger and less educated people say they avoid news because it can be hard to follow or understand – suggesting that the news media could do much more to simplify language and better explain or contextualise complex stories.
• In the five countries we surveyed after the war in Ukraine had begun, we find that television news is relied on most heavily – with countries closest to the fighting, such as Germany and Poland, seeing the biggest increases in consumption. Selective news avoidance has, if anything, increased further – likely due to the difficult and depressing nature of the coverage.
• Global concerns about false and misleading information remain stable this year, ranging from 72% in Kenya and Nigeria to just 32% in Germany and 31% in Austria. People say they have seen more false information about Coronavirus than about politics in most countries, but the situation is reversed in Turkey, Kenya, and the Philippines, amongst others." (Summary, page 10)
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"The pandemic made inequality, discrimination, exclusion and structural inequity more palpable, and rather than stagnating in indignation, it reactivated a sense of rebellion and contestation. The strength and sharpness with which we connect social justice, gender justice, environmental justice, eco
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nomic justice and racial justice with the potentials and limitations of digital technologies is undeniable. Using this intersectional lens, we need to document and build our own narratives about the challenges that we face related to the impacts of the pandemic and reflect on how our advocacy priorities as well as the ways we do advocacy are changing and keep being modified and adjusted. At APC we have strengthened capacity to design and implement collective and contextual community responses to the multiple challenges and crises that we face, while having a greater awareness of the kind of global responses that should be prioritised, based on shared but differentiated responsibilities [...] GISWatch 2021-2022 focuses on responses to some of the fundamental questions brought by the pandemic to inform civil society’s advocacy around digital technology issues and their potential to shape future horizons. As illustrated on our cover, a sustained struggle will be necessary in the years ahead, but not only in the public spaces. A nuanced approach to advocacy will be essential to open multiple ways to bring about positive change." (Preface, page 6)
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"With 33 journalists killed since the beginning of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s presidential term in December 2018, Mexico heads the list of the most violent countries for journalists in Latin America—and that of countries not at war. While journalist organizations demand a meaningful protect
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ion apparatus to safeguard their physical safety, official corruption, and criminal impunity continue to escalate the pressures to which media staff are exposed, especially in Mexican states where cartels and criminal groups have the largest footprint. This study aims to precisely identify the pressures, both internal and external, facing journalists who report on organized crime in Mexico. To do this, we drew from the Hierarchy of Influences Model, and interviewed 22 Mexican journalists who work on the organized crime beat in the country’s capital and in the most violent states in the Republic. The results suggest that the most influential forces they face are associated with the organizational level (such as editorial line or institutional censorship), and the extramedia level (e.g., anti-press violence from cartels/authorities, and government advertising contracts)." (Abstract)
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"This volume presents a comparative exploration of Dalit autobiographical writing from India and of Latin American testimonio as subaltern voices from two regions of the Global South. Offering frames for linking global subalternity today, the chapters address Siddalingaiah's Ooru Keri; Muli's Life H
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istory; Manoranjan Byapari and Manju Bala's narratives; and Yashica Dutt's Coming Out as Dalit; among others, alongside foundational texts of the testimonio genre. While embedded in their specific experiences, the shared history of oppression and resistance on the basis of race/ethnicity and caste from where these subaltern life histories arise constitutes an alternative epistemological locus. The chapters point to the inadequacy of reading them within existing critical frameworks in autobiography studies." (Publisher description)
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"Este detallado estudio, se encuentra divido en cuatro capítulos, cada uno está dedicado a desarrollar los hallazgos encontrados en materia civil, penal, laboral y de protección, en el que se identifican los preceptos legales que no son garantes de la libertad de prensa, y que ponen en riesgo la
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actividad profesional de periodistas en México. Se recopilaron las legislaciones federales y estatales, así como, iniciativas de leyes sobre las materias anteriormente mencionadas, para luego sistematizar la información, que posteriormente se analizó a la luz de estándares internacionales de sistemas de protección de derechos humanos. El objetivo de este trabajo es puntualizar/distinguir las leyes que deben ser modificadas para que realmente exista un sistema legal progresista, que promueva, respete, proteja y garantice, la libertad de prensa en nuestro país, y que evidencian la urgencia de generar reformas legales. Así también, a partir de este análisis hemos construido una serie de propuestas de reformas legislativas a los marcos normativos objeto de estudio." (Introducción)
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"Diese Untersuchung widmet sich der deutschen Propaganda in Lateinamerika während des Ersten Weltkrieges aus einer transnationalen Perspektive. Dabei fragt sie zunächst nach den Produktionsbedingungen und zeigt, dass deutsche Propaganda durch ein plurizentrisches Netzwerk realisiert wurde, dessen
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Akteure sich nicht zwangsläufig mit den Deutschen sympathisierten, sondern auch aufgrund von Interessenkonvergenz in der Zielsetzung mit den Deutschen kooperierten. Diese Abhängigkeit von lokalen Initiativen on the spot hatte auch Konsequenzen für die diskursive Konfiguration der Propaganda. In Argentinien, Chile und Mexiko eignete sich die deutsche Propaganda nationale wie transnationale Identitätsdiskurse an und band sie in ihre Argumentationsstrategien ein, um zwischen ihren Botschaften und den potentiellen Rezipienten Identifikation herzustellen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Across the types of issues that child protection workers were facing, forms of child sexual exploitation and abuse with an online element were indicated in 18% of their total caseloads. This means that one in five children they were supporting had related concerns. It is noted this was a convenienc
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e sample, and organisations supporting issues related to child abuse were targeted for participation in the survey, yet this is still a strong indication of the extent of this concern at the frontline. Under-reporting of child sexual exploitation and abuse, as well as the under-identification of the role of technology and the Internet in cases, may also be an issue. Girls were more frequently identified as being subjected to sexual exploitation and abuse online, with about 54% of workers saying that online forms of child sexual exploitation and abuse were emerging in ‘more than half’ of their cases with girls." (Key findings, page 9)
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"La aparición de las redes sociodigitales a mediados de la primera década de 2000 fue recibida con entusiasmo y recelo por diversos sectores sociales. Los ciudadanos vieron en espacios como Facebook, Twitter y, más recientemente, Instagram, una consolidación de la autocomunicación de masas plan
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teada por Manuel Castells en 1997 que acercaba el poder de la información y la comunicación a las personas del común, mientras los políticos dudaban entre si era un riesgo o una oportunidad en la disputa del poder en la opinión pública. Lo ocurrido en los casi veinte años de vida de las redes sociodigitales ha mostrado su poder de movilización social (Occupy Wall Street, Primavera Árabe, #MeToo) y su impacto político, pero también ha expuesto varios riesgos derivados del uso social y de los algoritmos que controlan la red, entre ellos las cámaras de eco, la espiral de silencio, el contenido engañoso (misinformation), el contenido falso (desinformación), el exceso de información (infodemia) y la presencia de bots que replican información para convertirla en tendencia u ocultar contenidos." (Publisher description)
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"A publishing phenomenon and artistic project, cartonera was born in the wake of Argentina’s 2001 economic crisis. Infused with a rebellious spirit, it has exploded in popularity, with hundreds of publishers across Latin America and Europe making colorful, low-cost books out of cardboard salvaged
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from the street. Taking Form, Making Worlds is the first comprehensive study of cartonera. Drawing on interdisciplinary research conducted across Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina, the authors show how this hands-on practice has fostered a politically engaged network of writers, artists, and readers. More than a social movement, cartonera uses texts, workshops, encounters, and exhibitions to foster community and engagement through open-ended forms that are at once artistic and social. For various groups including waste-pickers, Indigenous communities, rural children, and imprisoned women, cartonera provides a platform for unique stories and sparks collaborations that bring the walls of the “lettered city” tumbling down. In contexts of stigma and exclusion, cartonera collectives give form to a decolonial aesthetics of resistance, making possible a space of creative experimentation through which plural worlds can be brought to life." (Publisher description)
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"Despite the positive impact of the constitutional reform of 2013 and other previous or related regulations, media policy in Mexico is still faced with numerous challenges. Many objectives of the 2013 reform, in fact, could not be achieved because of a series of secondary laws that have been adopted
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in the meantime. Controversial cases remain unresolved. The Mexican media system thus remains one of the most concentrated in the world. Therefore, more comprehensive economic competition measures and policies are needed (for instance, asymmetric policies by service and not by sector). On the other hand, as the goals of the governments in the media have not been achieved, the digital divide remains wide, which means that vast swathes of the Mexican population do not fully enjoy the benefits of digitization. Part of the reason is that post-reform investments were below expectations, at much lower levels than in other countries (except for a recent investment in a 5G network). Public media remain financially vulnerable as authorities have discretionary power in approving their budget and exert significant influence in their editorial coverage. Moreover, public media remain reluctant to be held accountable." (Conclusion)
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"Fernanda R. Rosa explores the Indigenous networks, principles, and practices of internet infrastructure building and sharing in Tseltal and Zapoteco sovereign territories in Chiapas and Oaxaca, Mexico. More specifically, she uses the concept of shared networks to examine “the first mile signal-sh
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aring practices” (page 8) among these underserved Indigenous communities and highlight their active participation in designing their own first mile infrastructure as “internet codesigners” (page 8). The paper draws on extensive fieldwork that Rosa conducted in 2017 among different institutions and actors in Chiapas and Oaxaca - two states with the lowest Internet connectivity rates in Mexico - and illuminates it is the local community members, rather than the big internet service providers (ISP), that truly drive the first mile internet connection." (https://www.asc.upenn.edu)
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"Este livro surge em defesa da Lei de Acesso às Informações Públicas, que completa dez anos da entrada em vigor em 16 de maio de 2022. A Lei 12.527/11 ou LAI, como é conhecida, é inegavelmente um instrumento importante para a promoção da participação e da cidadania para a constituição de
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um esta do democrático previsto na Constituição Federal. Durante a primeira década de existência da LAI é possível constatar que houve avanços importantes na promoção do acesso à informação, pois a vigência da Lei permitiu a adoção de iniciativas de construção da visibilidade de informações antes disponíveis apenas para servidores e agentes políticos que viviam a intimidade da admi nistração pública e estavam habituados à premissa do segredo em detrimento da informação." (Em defesa da LAI, página 13)
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"Este trabajo de investigación examina el surgimiento de las redes compartidas en comunidades tseltales y zapotecas de Chiapas y Oaxaca (México): la primera milla de señal de internet compartido que articulan la infraestructura de interconexión y los valores de convivencia para extender el inter
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net a zonas donde los servicios de los grandes proveedores de internet existentes no son satisfactorios o no están disponibles. En los estudios de caso analizados, los pueblos indígenas se convierten en co-diseñadores de internet al crear la infraestructura de sus propias redes locales e interconectarse con el internet global. Este documento sostiene que se materializa un híbrido a nivel de la interconexión de redes cuando la comunalidad o la forma de estas comunidades, apoyada en frecuencias sin licencia del espectro electromagnético, torres, antenas de radio, tejados de casas, routers y cables, se une a los valores de los proveedores de servicios de internet y a sus políticas. Las redes compartidas son el resultado de lo que estos arreglos establecen y limitan así como la evidencia de las vívidas luchas de las redes indígenas latino-céntricas hacia un internet pluriversal." (Resumen)
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"Chapo Guzmán was the leader of the Sinaloa Cartel. Although he was a well-known criminal, there is a scarcity of first-hand information about his career. This situation raises a question: how did Guzmán become a public figure without having public exposure? This communicative phenomenon is possib
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le because drug cartels have sophisticated propaganda techniques that allow them to challenge the state not only in the military realm but also in the cultural realm. Among other media, these criminal organizations use narcocorridos, a popular music genre, as a medium for propaganda. This article studies, through a narrative analysis of 66 lyrics, how music, as a form of political communication, is used as propaganda. This study found three main narratives in the narcocorridos dedicated to Guzmán: (i) the origins of this drug dealer; (ii) the masculine features that led him to be a global kingpin; and (iii) his genius for corrupting political systems. These lyrics are propaganda because: (a) they spread knowledge in the form of stories about Guzmán; (b) they create a mythology about the kingpin and the narco-world; and (c) they distort reality by picturing Guzmán as a great man and blur reality by suppressing any reference to the drug wars." (Abstract)
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"Este es un reporte sobre el comportamiento de los hogares con posibilidad real de consumir contenidos en línea." (commbox)